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CHARTER XLIX.

A RED LETTER DAY.

HE 8th of January, 1892, was a red-letter day with Tammany Hall. That date (the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans), is always a day of special observance with them, memorizing a victory won by a Democratic General after their own hearts, General Andrew Jackson. But on that particular anniversary they had more modern victories to celebrate and Not only had the November elections filled their hearts with renewed courage, but their already large membership was growing so rapidly that the Secretary almost required an assistant to aid him in recording the names of returning wanderers, as well as of new recruits.

rejoice over.

On the first of January there were already eight thousand recorded, and each. day thereafter added largely to the number; but on the 8th they poured into the handsome Wigwam, on Fourteenth street, with a rush. Regiments of politicians, who had long been fighting against Tammany, had given up the battle and surrendered at discretion, ready once more to renew their allegiance, and very glad to get back home again. County Democrats, Voorhisites, and even Republicans, had abandoned the tepees of the weakened enemy, and made with all speed for the shelter of the strong defences of the old Wigwam. There were also a large number of young men anxious to cast in their lot with the conquering tribe. All were welcomed, the old truants with the new pupils.

Among some of the well-known names added to the membership was that of William S. Andrews, the great "Resolution Draftsman" of the County Democracy; Jordan L. Mott, a sometime truant; Mr. Charles W. Dayton appeared as a débutant. One of those who excited much interest was William J. O'Dair, who had just been elected to the Assembly in the Twenty-third District of New York as a combined Republican and County Democrat. He was warmly congratulated upon getting under the shelter of the Wigwam. One of the candidates for Alderman in the Sixth District, who had deserted only a few weeks before, came in looking very happy, indeed, to be readmitted; while hundreds, who must here be nameless, but who had voted against Tammany in November, joined the crowd already anxiously awaiting enrollment at the hands of the Secretary. Among those who could not escape observation, if he would, was the tall President of the Brooklyn Bridge, Colonel Alfred Wagstaff.

At 8 P. M. a general adjournment took place, and the ever-growing crowd, leaving the lower offices, made their way to the public Hall, where Nelson Smith was made Chairman; John B. McGoldrick, Reading Secretary; Joel O. Stevens and John G. H. Meyer, Recording Secretaries; John McQuade, Treasurer; Robert Kelly, Sergeant-at-Arms.

Resolutions were passed in approval of ex-Governor Hill, also affirming the necessity of economy in State affairs, and commending the administration of the

city finances. Mr. Cockran then followed in a very fervid speech in which he referred to the fact of the numerous victories of Tammany and also to the speedy recuperation of the party after their occasional defeats.

Mayor Gilroy then introduced the following resolution: "That we denounce the tyrannical, unchristian, and barbarious persecution of inoffensive Hebrews by the Russian Government, and extend to the helpless victims of this ferocious. oppression our heartfelt sympathy, in the misery under which they suffer." This was passed unanimously.

It was freely, though quietly, stated, on this occasion, that the Society had a preference for the nominee at the ensuing Democratic Convention, but that, if their preference could not be secured, Tammany would loyally sustain whomsoever the convention should select. Before separating the Executive Committee appointed a special committee to visit Washington, on January 20th, to urge the National Democratic Committee to select the City of New York as the place for holding the nominating convention the ensuing month of June.

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If this was a day of rejoicing, still greater was the jubilation at the close of the year 1892, when, after the grand national victory of November had been duly celebrated, and the routine business for the coming year provided for by the holding of primaries in each of the thirty Assembly Districts of the city, in which, at this time, there were no contests of any importance, all was peace and harmony in the Wigwam. The only strugglers were those outside, striving to get in; all the once opposing parties seemed of one mind, in this emulation. Scenes of the same nature had occurred before in the history of the Society, but on this occasion the rush was unprecedented-including not only County Democrats, AntiSnappers, Voorhis men, but also old Republicans, who came in shoals, not forgetting a contingent from the old O'Brien faction. Among the notable Republican converts was John Nugent, a recent leader in the Republican Tenth Assembly District. Another of note was Dr. Wicks Washburn. Still another very active Republican convert was Mr. James Hart. Then, again, William P. J. Carthy, ex-Assemblyman; City Paymaster P. J. Timmerman; H. N. Elliot, and others from the County Democracy.

One of the most interesting converts from the Republican party, who renounced his old allegiance, and came to cast in his lot with the Democracy, was the REV. NICHOLAS BJERRING, formerly of the Greco-Russian Church in this city, well-known in literary and social circles of the metropolis.

Among the curiosities of conversion was observed one of John I. Davenport's old political employees.

The only changes in district leaderships for the year were in the First, Third and Thirtieth Districts, where Colonel Michael C. Murphy, Assemblyman Timothy Sullivan and Coroner John B. Shea, succeeded respectively, Frank T. Fitzgerald, Henry C. Miner and Henry D. Purroy. The new General Committee had, at that date, a voting membership of 3.539, and an actual membership of from 12,000 to 15,000. The District Committees averaging about 1.500 each, making a total of 45,000 for the whole city.

It is one of the most interesting features of the historical Tammany organization that it has ever been subjected to alternate periods of virulent attacks by

its political enemies, interspersed with seasons of special increase in growth, influence, and consequent elation of spirits. Ever since the dissolution of the old Federal party, these contrasts have occurred. Other parties have lived out their appointed time, fallen into the senile stage, utterly decayed, and died a natural death, while the Tammany Democracy, invariably rallies upon the old battleground with renewed vigor, after every temporary set back.

Why this radical difference in the fate of the Tammany Society, and its numerous and varied defunct opponents?

Is it not in great measure from the fact that the Tammany Society has always acted upon broad general principles which every man can understand—such as the equality of all classes before the law; the right to freedom of personal action up to the limit of non-interference with others; the duty of all citizens to defend the integrity of the soil. The right of the States to maintain all the prerogatives conceded to them by the Constitution; the right of cities and towns to control their own local affairs?

On the other hand, their opponents have been in the habit of assuming a spirit of superior virtue, unaccompanied by any evidence of this possession, with a strong tendency to favor classes, and to interfere with the natural rights of individuals; in sumptuary matters.

Particularly of late years it has been very noticeable how largely the Republican campaigns have been conducted (in this State), on the simple ground of abuse, condemnation, and unmitigated slanders against Tammany, without evidence or logical argument. Honest people will not bear too much of that sort of thing, and the natural impulse is, with those accessible to reason, to resent such wholesale abuse of their fellow citizens and finally to sympathize with and act with them. Much of the latter day strength of Tammany is recruited from voters fairly driven out of the Republican ranks by their dishonest and unjust treatment of their Democratic opponents.

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CHAPTER L.

THE TARIFF-MAYOR GILROY'S MESSAGE.

HE new year, 1894, opened with the cheering announcement by the retiring Democratic Governor, Roswell P. Flower, that the State of New York, for the first time in seventy-five years, was free from debt. Has it been free from debt under his Republican successors? In this message of the Governor another subject of importance to the metropolis was referred to, as "the rising sentiment in favor of consolidation of the neighboring towns and cities." At this time the tax-rate of the City of New York was lower than that of any large city in the United States, and this was under a Democratic Mayor, who was also a Tammany Sachem.

Early in January it is usually the custom to reorganise the Tammany Hall Committees; that is, if changes in the leadership or membership seems best for the interest of the Wigwam; if not required, of course, the status is not disturbed. Changes are only made for cause, not arbitrarily.

The question of the tariff and the "Bland Bill," for the coinage of the silver seigniorage in the Treasury, was occupying the attention of Congress, while the evil effect of the McKinley bill was pressing upon the business and commercial interests of the metropolis, and the suffering, but unthinking, were clamoring against the President for not producing the "good times" which had been hoped for, but for the failure of which the administration was in no way responsiblefor one reason that his predecessor had left an empty treasury.

One of the earliest meetings of Tammany's General Committee, in January, 1895, adopted a resolution expressing the general Democratic sentiment as to the desirability of a prompt settlement of the Tariff question, which resolution, inferentially, at least, condemned the Wilson bill as an unconstitutional and undemocratic measure, which was one of the main causes of delayed prosperity. In fact, the recent Congressional elections (special) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Districts were mainly of interest as affecting votes on that half-way and generally unsatisfactory bill.

For seven years the Democratic party had been struggling for a radical reform of the tariff. In the House, the Democratic votes had passed the reasonable Mills bill, but this was lost in the Republican Senate. Of course, under the Harrison administration, no progress could be made; but in 1890 the contest was renewed, and the elections of that year showed a popular majority of over 1,300,000 against a high protective tariff, and gave a Democratic majority of 148 in the House, but the Senate still stood in the way of relief; and thus the Wilson bill was finally accepted by the Democrats, because they could get no better, though it was far from meeting the wishes of the party. The later Dingley bill was called the "revenue-reducing bill."

The annual message of the Mayor of New York, Mr. Gilroy, was, or ought to have been, a convincing document, disproving the frequent charge against

Tammany, by its enemies, of mismanagement and general corruption in the administration of municipal affairs-showing, as it did, that, while the tax-rate had been materially reduced, most valuable improvements had been carried on; and this in face of the fact that New York city had paid very heavy State taxes, out of all proportion to the taxes paid by the country counties.

During the year just passed the city had expended, or contracted, for extensive dock improvements the sum of $2,750,000; for new school houses, $1,400,000; for street repairs, $1,000,000; for Croton water works, including additional highwater service, and the sanitary protection of water supply, $3,750,000; for new armories, $240,000; for the Museums of Art and Natural History, $196,000.

In addition to these sums, there was expended for new buildings, including the splendid new Court House, on Centre street, and a new asylum for the insane, in asphalting numerous streets, in rebuilding the interior of Castle Garden and establishing the Aquarium there, with other improvements and adornments of the city--in all to the amount of $20,850,000. During all the hard winter the Mayor was indefatigable in devising means for the employment of men whose usual avocations had been interrupted by the general stagnation of business.

In the spring there was a fresh outburst of anti-Tammany combinations, including those chronic factionists, the Steckler brothers; the Michael Duffy Association; Walter Bahan's rather limited followers; and some of the "leftover" Voorhis party; while the perennial Parkhurst was in full bloom again. Later in the season the combination was increased by the organization of the redoubtable "Seventy," with which the so-called Good Government Clubs affiliated. It was at this period, April 23d, 1894, that the "Lexow Committee" was appointed at Albany to inquire into the charges against the police force of New York city, of which all the convictions found were subsequently quashed in the Supreme Court, sitting on May 21, 1896, chiefly on the ground that the witnesses produced by the prosecution were of such debased character and criminal record. as to be unworthy of belief. The lawyer employed on behalf of Parkhurst, the chief complainant, was John W. Goff, later Recorder of New York. The most despicable means were employed by Parkhurst to try and injure the Tammany organization, even descending to the employment of young boy spies to follow and watch respectable citizens (known to be Democrats) on election day.

A curious instance of how prejudice without knowledge nullifies the reasoning powers is illustrated by a little incident which occurred in the course of the charitable work undertaken by Tammany during the winter. One of the "unco guid" of the North Baptist Church was the chief performer of the little farce. Several thousand dollars had been raised by Tammany workers of the Ninth District, and this money was put into the hands of its leader, Mr. Boyle, for distribution. He divided it into smaller sums and sent checks to leading persons in the district whom he knew to be trustworthy. Among these was the pastor of the church referred to, the Rev. John J. Brouner. Mr. Boyle accompanied the check with a kindly note requesting that the money be dispensed for charitable purposes. When the announcement of the reception of this unsolicited gift was made at a church meeting, a Republican deacon arose and vehemently opposed its acceptance, on the ground of its "coming from a corrupt source." Fortunately, the pastor was endowed with a modicum of common sense, and kept the check, subsequently putting the money to good use in his immediate neighborhood.

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