Breckinridge-Yancey ticket. After this, I found an account of this Livingston speech by Neely in the Montgomery Advertiser, from which I take this brief extract, premising that the Advertiser characterized it as a "patriotic and Christian sentiment:"

"Whilst he was not a disunionist per se, yet 'he would get down on his knees to every man in the South, and beseech him not to submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican or his administration.""

Now, I, in commenting on this passage from Neely's speech, declared that in counselling resistance to the inauguration and administration of a man elected by a majority of the voters of the country, under our Con stitution and forms of law, Mr. Neely was neither re presenting the sentiments of the Southern Methodist Church nor the teachings of Christ and his apostles. I also stated that, as the salaried agent of the Methodist Publishing House at Nashville, he was not required to fall upon his knees before any man in the South, and beseech him to resist, "with force and arms," the inauguration and administration of a Black Republican! I also stated that the neighbors and friends of Mr. Bell were doing, and had done, more for the "Southern Book Concern" than the neighbors and friends of Breckinridge had ever done or ever would do. I stated-and now repeat-that there are more Bell-and-Everett men in the South connected with the Methodist Church South, than there are advocating Breckinridge and Lane, and that

Bell-and-Everett Methodists did not care to see the Church pay any man a large salary to do the dirty work of falling upon his knees and beseeching Southern men to resist the Constitution and laws of the country and "precipitate the Cotton States into a revolution." Our gospel is one of peace, and not supported for the purpose of plunging the country into all the horrors of civil war!

For this, you say I have resorted to dishonorable means to secure the election of Bell and Everett, and that I am unscrupulous and have but little regard for the reputation of others. Nay, you say that I am a slanderer, and have reflected upon the Alabama Conference. In what respect have I slandered Neely or the Alabama Conference? I said nothing about the Alabama Conference in any publication I made; and you have only evaded the truth in shielding Neely behind that Conference. I seek no controversy with the Alabama Conference; but, at the same time, I ask no favors of that body. I know what my rights are, and I know where my remedy is in a matter of church controversy.

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In conclusion, sir, if you can have any control over the deluded friends and admirers of Mr. Neely, prevail on them to cease their clamors in his behalf, and especially their letter-writing and their newspaper eulogies of him at the expense of better men; and let the low

murmurings of the autumnal night-winds, sighing among the tree-tops, waft his faults and imperfections. to the distant shores of oblivion! Prevail on him to humble himself before God, and pray much, repudiating all agitation of the questions now dividing the political parties of the day. And then shall the pale moonbeams of forgetfulness sleep around the tomb of his follies, in deathlike stillness, no more making the air hideous with the mournful cadences of his past indiscretions.

W. G. BROWNLOW, Editor of the Knoxville Whig.

Knoxville Whig, Oct. 13, 1860.

CHAPTER IV.

SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1780-HER CITIZENS TORIES AND ON THE SIDE OF THE BRITISH CROWN-TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX TORIES IN CHARLESTON ADDRESSING SIR HENRY CLINTON-R. BARNWELL RHETT CHANGES HIS NAME-THE DESCENDANTS OF THESE TORIES SPREAD OVER THE SOUTH-SOUTH CAROLINA ROYALTY.

South Carolina in 1780.

In the spring of 1780, Sir Henry Clinton and ViceAdmiral Arbuthnot appeared before Charleston and demanded a surrender to His British Majesty's forces. The gallant General LINCOLN, in command of the American forces, repulsed this arrogant demand with the scorn and contempt of a brave officer. They have hated the name of Lincoln ever since! The people of Charleston, and of nearly all South Carolina, being Tories of the basest character, took the matter into their own hands, and threatened the gallant Lincoln with betraying him into the hands of the British forces if he did not come to such terms as pleased them. And Sir Henry Clinton, writing to Lord George Germaine, one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, from "Head Quarters, Charles-Town, South Carolina, June 4th, 1780," by way of boast, says,

"With the greatest pleasure I further report to your lordship that the inhabitants from every quarter repair to the detachments of the army, and to this garrison, to declare their allegiance to the King, and to offer their services in arms in support of his government. In many instances they have brought prisoners their former oppressors or leaders; and I may venture to assert that there are few men in South Carolina who are not either our prisoners or in arms with us."

The very day after Sir Henry Clinton wrote that letter disclosing the Toryism of South Carolina, two hundred and twenty-six of their leading citizens, representing almost every family connection in the State, addressed the following begging, supplicating petition to Sir Henry, furnishing the proof of their own infamy:

"To their Excellencies SIR HENRY CLINTON, Knight of the Bath, General of His Majesty's Forces, and MARIOT ARBUTHNOT, Esq., Vice-Admiral of the Blue, His Majesty's Commissioners to restore peace and good government in the several colonies in rebellion in North America:

"THE HUMBLE ADDRESS OF DIVERS INHABITANTS OF CHARLES-TOWN:

"The inhabitants of Charles-Town, by the articles of capitulation, are declared prisoners on parole; but we the underwriters, having every inducement to return to our allegiance, and ardently hoping speedily to be readmitted to the character and condition of British subjects, take this opportunity of tendering to your Excellencies our warmest congratulations on the restoration of this capital and Province to their political connection with the Crown and Government of Great