thousands of the people assembled in different sections of the nation, and forwarded their protests to the agent, against the mode adopted for distributing away, uselessly, their public funds, and requesting the payment to be continued as heretofore. They were submitted by the Treasurer, and a demand made for a compliance with the wishes of the people, but was refused. Some of the officers who had presided at those meetings for the purpose of expressing their views and sentiments in relation to subjects of vital importance to the nation, were subsequently arrested by the military for no other offence, and, after considerable display of soldierly tactics, marched about as prisoners of war, and severely reprimanded by the officers for their conduct, were discharged! This order still continues in force, and the nation excluded from the enjoyment of benefits which have been pledged as the price for valuable cessions of land. Is it justice? The decision of your

honorable bodies must determine.

Your memorialists would respectfully refer your attention to former memorials, and to the bill praying for an injunction from the Supreme Court of the United States, for further information in relation to their grievances and their desires It is deemed useless to detail the present state of their advancement in the arts of civilization. There is already abundant testimony before the American Government to establish the facts of the rapid improvements which have been made. Their question is one of justice-one which does not depend upon domestic changes to govern its decision. The Government stands pledged by its treaties; and the mere circumstance of such changes, even for the worse, if allowed, cannot destroy the binding force of those compacts.

Georgia, at the recent session of her Legislature, passed a bill providing for the further survey of the Cherokee lands into sections, their disposal by lottery, and for their occupancy by her citizens. The fatal blow is aimed, and your faithful ally and friend must bow in submission to superior power. They know the land is theirs, and they have resolved never again to cede "another FOOT." If Georgiai s allowed thus to treat them, and to force herself into possession, and the Cherokees out, then be it so. It is not their part to buckle on the armour of resistance, while the ample wings of the American eagle yet inspires hope and confidence. The light of Heaven will enable its keen vision to descry the meditated robbery, which, if consummated, will forever tarnish the glory and lustre shed upon its power and greatness. Your memorialists have presented before you but a slight view of the perplexing state to which the suspension of protection has reduced their nation. The evils which they are foreed to experience, are numerous and afflicting They look with sanguine hopes for the kind interposition of this Congress, either by an act, or the expression of their sentiments; which, in addition to the late decision of the Supreme Court, in the case of the Chero kee Nation vs. the State of Georgia, it is earnestly hoped will be sufficient to cause the present Executive to cast around these unfortunate people the broad shield of his protecting power, when a nation will hail in triumph the return of that happy day-when the dark clouds which lower upon the habitations of its citizens, will be in the deep bosom of the ocean buried,' and the patriot's heart throb with feelings of "good faith and friendship. And in duty bound, your memorialists will ever pray.

WASHINGTON CITY, Jan. 5th, 1832.

JOHN MARTIN,
JOHN RIDGE,

W. SHOREY COODEY.

1st Session.

State Dept.

MESSAGE

FROM

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,

TRANSMITTING

A report on the subject of a Commercial Arrangement with the Republic of Colombia.

JANUARY 10, 1832.

Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I herewith transmit a report made by the Secretary of State, on the subject of a commercial arrangement, with the Republic of Colombia, which requires legislative action to carry it into effect.

WASHINGTON, 10th January, 1832.

ANDREW JACKSON.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, 9th January, 1832.

To the President of the United States:

SIR: A case has arisen in our foreign intercourse, which will require the intervention of the Legislature, the circumstances of which, I have now the honor to lay before you, that if you deem it expedient, they may be made the subject of a communication to Congress.

By the second article of our treaty with the Republic of Colombia, the contracting parties "engage mutually, not to grant any particular favor to other nations in respect of commerce and navigation, which shall not immediately become common to the other party, who shall enjoy the same freely, if the concession was freely made; or, on allowing the same compensation, if the concession was conditional."

The casus fadaris under this article, arose by a treaty made between Colombia and Central America, by which it is understood to have been stipulated, that ships and their cargoes, whether consisting of domestic or foreign produce, or manufactures registered (cleared) in the customhouses of one of the contracting parties, shall not pay any higher duties on importation, anchorage, tonnage, or other impositions, than those which are, or may be, imposed on the national vessels, in the ports of the other.