glowing prophecies which are uttered in the inspiration of a heated fancy with the subsequent revelations of time. Mr. Wirt's impassioned peroration, which we have just read, affords an example that may be studied. Neither have the Cherokees been "blotted out from creation," nor has "the honour of the American name" forever perished. I have before me the last report of the Indian agent, upon the condition of the Cherokees, in their home beyond the Mississippi -the report of 1848. "The Cherokees," he informs the Government, "are in a prosperous condition, so far as agricultural pursuits are concerned. Many of them have large and extensive farms, under good fences and well cultivated. Peace and order prevailed (in their council at Tahlaquah, the seat of government) to an extent not very common in legislative bodies, and I hesitate not to say that, if the different parties were again united so as to confide in each other, they are as capable of managing their own affairs, in a territorial or state government, as most people are in a territorial or new state govern ment. "With regard to the females, they are generally industrious and very neat in their household affairs. You generally find them neatly and fashionably dressed in home-made clothes of their own manufacturing. In passing through the country, the wheel and the loom are frequently the first sounds that greet your ear. "With regard to the progress of religion and literature in the Cherokee Nation, I am advised that I may readily set it down, that, in each, there has been at least an improvement of ten per cent. from the last nine years' report. The two seminaries are in progress of building. The following branches of education have been taught:spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, grammar, natural and mental philosophy, algebra and composition. Many of the scholars made good progress in their studies, and, at the public examination, acquitted themselves much to their own credit and the satisfaction of a large number of spectators, comprising some of the leading men of the nation, among whom was the acting principal chief and one or two members of the legislature." This is a promising picture, and may somewhat reconcile us to the wrongs of which we have given the history. The following extract from a letter of this period calls us back to the domestic life of the subject of our Memoir. It has a plaintive note of deepest distress. TO JUDGE CARR. BALTIMORE, March 23, 1831. "I owe you several letters, my dear friend; but you are kind, and can allow for my situation. I have had such a winter as I never had before. Heavy causes to argue, with a broken heart and exhausted strength,-when, at every step, I felt far better disposed to lie down in the grave. It was not in such a frame that I could address you. Even now, I am unfit to write. For to me, the heavens are hung with mourning and the earth covered with darkness. The charm of life is gone. I look at my beloved wife and my still remaining circle of affectionate children, and my heart reproaches me with ingratitude to heaven. I have been too blessed for my deserts. The selection of the victim is too striking to be misunderstood. There is a better world, of which I have thought too little. To that world she is gone, and thither my affections have followed her. This was Heaven's design. I see and feel it as distinctly as if an angel had revealed it. I often imagine that I can see her beckoning me to the happy world to which she has gone. She was my companion, my office companion, my librarian, my clerk. My papers now bear her endorseShe pursued her studies in my office, by my side-sat with me, walked with me,-was my inexpressibly sweet and inseparable companion-never left me but to go and sit with her mother. We knew all her intelligence, all her pure and delicate sensibility, the quickness and power of her perceptions, her seraphic love. She was all love, and loved all God's creation, even the animals, trees and plants. She loved her God and Saviour with an angel's love, and died like a saint." ment. CHAPTER XVIII. 1831. POLITICAL LIFE. -MR. WIRT APPOINTED A DELEGATE TO THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION. MEETING OF THE ANTI-MASONIC CONVENTION. -MR. WIRT NOMINATED BY THEM AS A CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY.- HE ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION. -HIS VIEWS OF THE CANVASS. THE NOMINATION OF MR. CLAY.-LETTERS FROM MR. WIRT TO S. P. CHASE AND JUDGE CARR. In this period of his deepest distress,-it occurs, singularly enough, in the history of Mr. Wirt, he was invited to become an active champion in the political field. Now just verging upon sixty, his ambition lulled into rest by the fruition of high publie honours, his distaste to political life rather increased by long and toilsome service, his heart turned away from worldly things by domestic affection, his mind turned to heavenly thoughts by the inspiration of the most religious influences singularly enough it occurs, that, in such a time and in such a mood, he was forced by circumstances into a position which, all along throughout life, when the motives were a thousand-fold more cogent to compel his consent, he had pertinaciously avoided. Preparations were now on foot for the Presidential canvass of 1832. A National Convention of the opponents of the Administration was to be held in Baltimore, in December, 1831. They were to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. A general expectation, amongst those who were to be represented in this Convention, was already directed to Mr. Clay as the opponent of General Jackson, who, it was now understood, in spite of the pledge given by him to the contrary, was to be a candidate for the second term. The Whigs of the congressional district in which the city of Baltimore was, in part, embraced, had expressed their wish that Mr. Wirt would represent them in the Convention. In a letter of the 22d of May, to Judge Carr, we have his own account of the application to him. "We are, you know," he writes "to have a great National Convention here in December, and I have been asked to represent this district in it. Now, I hate politics, and can never be a party man-much less a party leader for 'I trust I have a good conscience;' and, in these times, I doubt the practicability of a politician possessing such a blessing. Besides, I have not the nerve to bear the vulgar abuse which is the politician's standing dish. I have kept myself in comparative peace, by avoiding politics; and in my old age I feel a most vehement repugnance to the turmoil to which I am invited. But they ask me if I have no concern for my country. I have said, that if the people wish me to go to the Convention in December, I will go and utter their sentiments- that is, as at present advised, reserving to myself further time for consideration. At present, I think Clay the soundest amongst the candidates, and that he will make a good President. * * * - What do you say to it all?-first, as to the policy of such a Convention; and second, of my going into it? My friends here talk of making it a stepping-stone to the Senate of the United States. But what do I care for the Senate? I am rather too old to start now, for the first time, on such a course, and have neither speed nor bottom for the race. Yet, if I could see that public good would come of it, I do not think I could properly refuse. Do you suspect that there is any lurking ambition under this? If there be, it is too deeply concealed for my own discovery." In due time he was chosen to be a member of the Convention, and accepted the trust. A very unexpected incident soon afterwards followed this; and, as it threw him into a position of great notoriety throughout the whole Union, and involved him in a very heavy political responsibility, it is proper that I should speak of it somewhat at large. The approaching contest for the Presidency greatly interested the Whigs, or, as they were called at that period, the National Republicans. General Jackson, it was announced, was already understood to be the candidate of his own party. The opposition, in different sections of the Union, had variously directed their views to Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, Mr. McLean, of Ohio, and Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina. Amongst these, Mr. Clay was the most prominent. His nomination was, therefore, looked to as almost certain. During the few years immediately before this date, the Anti-Masonic party had grown into considerable strength. The abduction of Morgan, and the extraordinary proceedings which followed it, had produced a remarkable excitement, especially in the Northern and Western States. It is a curious history which will ever occupy a notable page in the annals of the time, and is too well known to need repetition here. Like other exciting topics which have taken hold of the public mind in this country, it led to the organization of a distinct political party. The zeal to destroy Masonry rose above all other subjects of public concern; and a large body of respectable and judicious men were found, in several States, who were willing to forego all the ordinary inducements to the old political organization and to embody themselves into a party to accomplish this one object. The most intractable of all men are those whose minds are engrossed with one idea. An idea just in itself, useful to be promulgated and finally to be incorporated in the policy of the nation, may easily be magnified into proportions altogether incongruous with the place it should hold in a system of either public or private morals. If the greatest abuse is only to be corrected by the surrender or neglect of all other useful and essential principles of policy or conduct, wise men will always reflect and determine, beforehand, whether the good to be achieved is worth the sacrifice. An enthusiast will not halt for this consideration. The topic that is nearest to his contemplation will sometimes obscure the greatest subjects that stand behind it, as the disc of a button, near the eye, will shut out the view of half the firmament. The day of political agitation upon Anti-Masonry has now gone by. The excitement naturally soon wore out itself and its subject. We may wonder, after this lapse of time, that intelligent and acute men could have ever persuaded themselves that it had a base broad enough upon which to build up a party:-that the manifold interests of a great country, its trade, commerce and general industry, its finance, its development through the thousand channels of public administration, its party alliances, its ambitious strifes and its multiform pursuits, could all be reduced into subordination to the purpose of extirpating Masonry by political action. There were, nevertheless, able, virtuous VOL. II. - 26 |