Francisco. It cannot be! Sure I am entranced.

[Looking earnestly at Hamet. Hamet. Come to my arms! I am thy friend, thy Hamet. [Hamet rises. Francisco meets him pinioned. Francisco. Thou art the same! the best of men.

[Embracing. Enter OzRO and AMANDAR at á distance, attended by guards. They advance slowly, looking at each other and at Hamet, in suspense.

Hamet. [Unloosing Francisco's pinions.] Off shameful bands! These ill become thee! Thy hands are worthy of a sceptre. Twice thou hast freed me from the chains of bondage. Thus I, in part, discharge the debt. [Ozro and Amandar discover Francisco, and run to embrace him.

Ozro. O Francisco!

Amandar. My brother! [They embrace each other. Francisco. Welcome to my arms again! Bounteous Heaven! thy smiles have pierced the cloud, and changed the night to day. Next to Heaven, Hamet deserves our thanks.

Ozro and Amandar. As first on earth he has them. Hamet. I am the debtor. Heaven has given me a grateful heart; but it is to you, Francisco I owe my fortune and my honor, and have it in my power to show my gratitude. Had it not been for you, I might till now have been a slave in Venice.

Teague. On my life, I would live and die here all my days, if all the people were like this same good Hamet. [Aside.

Zanga. They sail so pleasantly, I must fall in with them after all. (Aside.) [Takes a chest, containing the money and jewels of Francisco, and carries it to him.] Good Sir, I have been brought up to the trade of fighting; this, you know, Sir, is not an employment to soften one's heart. I have generally been obliged to resist the current of compassion; but it sets so strong upon me now, I will even follow its motion, as you have been pleased to lead the way. Here is this man's

money: I give up my share both in that and him too; and wish him and his good friends a pleasant gale upon whatever course they may steer through life.

Hamet. This deed becomes thee, Zanga, and shall hereafter be rewarded.

Francisco. Zanga, thou hast my thanks. Let me anticipate the joyous hour when our aged father shall hear the transactions of this day; and express in his name the effusions of his grateful heart, when he shall receive his sons from you as the author of their second existence; their delivery from the heavy chains of bondage. [To Hamet.

Hamet. By untoward fortune, my father and myself were slaves in Venice. By your intercession I was emancipated. I cheerfully procured the freedom of a declining parent at the expense of my own. The thought of relieving him from a burden, which his tottering age was unable to support, sweetened my toil, and made that servitude a pleasure, which otherwise had been intolerable. But the generosity of your family exceeded what I dared to hope. You gratuitously restored me to liberty a second time. This was the morning of my prosperity, the birth-day of my happiness. It is by your means, I have it in my power thus to acknowledge and discharge a sacred debt, the debt of gratitude.

Ozro. This day more than compensates for our past misfortunes.

Amandar. Henceforth we will celebrate its anniversary in grateful remembrance of our benefactor.

Hamet. Generous brothers, enjoy your fortune, and let your father participate your happiness. A ship shall be prepared to convey you to your native land, and restore you to your friends. Let it be remembered, there is no luxury so exquisite as the exercise of humanity, and no post so honourable as his, who defends THE RIGHTS OF MAN. [Exeunt omnes.

CONCLUSION OF A CELEBRATED SPEECH OF MR. PITT, IN 1770, IN SUPPORT OF A MOTION MADE IN PARLIAMENT, TO REQUEST THE KING TO LAY BEFORE THAT BODY ALL THE PAPERS, RELATIVE TO CERTAIN DEPREDATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS, AND LIKEWISE, TO A TREATY WHICH HE WAS THEN NEGOTIATING WITH SPAIN.

I

My Lords,

HAVE taken a wide circuit, and trespassed, I fear, too long upon your patience. Yet I cannot conclude without endeavouring to bring home your thoughts to an object more immediately interesting to us, than any I have yet considered: I mean the internal condition of this country. We may look abroad for wealth, or triumphs, or luxury; but England, my lords, is the main stay, the last resort of the whole empire. To this point, every scheme of policy, whether foreign or domestic, should ultimately refer.

Have any measures been taken to satisfy, or to unite the people? Are the grievances they have so long complained of removed? or do they stand not only unredressed, but aggravated? Is the right of free election restored to the elective body? My lords, I myself am one of the people. I esteem that security and independence, which is the original birthright of an Englishman, far beyond the privileges, however splendid, which are annexed to the peerage. I myself am by birth an English elector, and join with the freeholders of England as in a common cause. Believe me, my lords, we mistake our real interest as much as our duty, when we separate ourselves from the mass of the people.

Can it be expected that Englishmen will unite heartily in defence of a government, by which they feel themselves insulted and oppressed? Restore them to their

rights; that is the true way to make them unanimous. It is not a ceremonious recommendation from the throne, that can bring back peace and harmony to a discontented people. That insipid annual opiate has been administered so long, that it has lost its effect. Something substantial, something effectual must be

done.

The public credit of the nation stands next in degree to the rights of the constitution; it calls loudly for the interposition of Parliament. There is a set of men, my lords, in the city of London, who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the plunder of the ignorant, the innocent, the helpless; upon that part of the community, which stands most in need of, and best deserves the care and protection of the legislature. To me, my lords, whether they be miserable jobbers of Exchange-Alley, or the lofty Asiatic plunderers of Leadenhall-street, they are all equally detestable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight or six horses. If his luxury be supported by the plunder of his country, I despise and detest him.

My lords, while I had the honor of serving his Majesty, I never ventured to look at the treasury but at a distance; it is a business I am unfit for, and to which I never could have submitted. The little I know of it has not served to raise my opinion of what is vulgarly called the moneyed interest; I mean that blood-sucker, that muckworm, which calls itself the friend of government; that pretends to serve this or that administration, and may be purchased, on the same terms, by any administration; that advances money to government, and takes special care of its own emoluments.

I hope, my lords, that nothing I have said will be understood to extend to the honest, and industrious tradesman, who holds the middle rank, and has given repeated proofs, that he prefers law and liberty to gold. I love that class of men. Much less would I be thought to reflect upon the fair merchant, whose liberal com

merce is the prime source of national wealth. I esteem his occupation, and respect his character.

My lords, if the general representation, which I have had the honor to lay before you, of the situation of public affairs, has in any measure engaged your attention, your lordships, I am sure, will agree with me, that the season calls for more than common prudence and vigor in the direction of our councils. The dif ficulty of the crisis demands a wise, a firm, and a popular administration. The dishonorable traffic of places has engaged us too long. Upon this subject, my lords, I speak without interest or enmity. I have no personal objection to any of the king's servants. I shall never be minister; certainly, not without full power to cut away all the rotten branches of government. Yet, unconcerned as I truly am for myself, I cannot avoid seeing some capita errors in the distribution of the royal favour.

I know I shall be accused of attempting to revive distinctions. My lords, if it were possible, I would abolish all distinctions. I would not wish the favours of the crown to flow invariably in one channel. But there are some distinctions which are inherent in the nature of things. There is a distinction between right and wrong, between whig and tory.

When I speak of an administration, such as the necessity of the season calls for, my views are large and comprehensive. It must be popular, that it may begin with reputation. It must be strong within itself, that it may proceed with vigor and decision. An administration, formed upon an exclusive system of family connexions, or private friendships, cannot, am convinced, be long supported in this country.

I shall trouble your lordships with but a few words more. His Majesty tells us in his speech, that he will call upon us for our advice, if it should be necessary in the farther progress of this affair. It is not easy to say whether or not the ministry are serious in this declaration, nor what is meant by the progress of an affair, L