with the police, and hundreds were expelled. The agitation spread to female colleges, and these also were closed. At Kieff the troops were called in to suppress a student riot, and 400 students were arrested. Before the end of April all the higher educational establishments of Russia were ordered to be closed. Only those students were permitted to re-enter who signed a written declaration of absolute submission to the established rules of the universities. Students were arrested in all the university towns by wholesale, tried in secret, sentenced to be banished, and sent away to all parts of the empire. The jails of St. Petersburg were filled to overflowing with imprisoned students, and in the course of a few weeks more than 3,000 were exiled to Siberia. There were 2,160 expulsions from Moscow University, 600 from Kieff institutions, and even from the Ladies' High School at St. Petersburg more than 200. In accordance with Gen. Vannofsky's report, the Czar censured the civil authorities and the police for their harsh proceedings, the teaching authorities for not having more influence and control over the students, and society for sympathizing with the students; condemned the absence of supervision over the work and occupations of students and the overcrowding, which in many institutions is far beyond their space and pecuniary resources; and ordered the students to return to their studies, promising that the leaders and participants in the disorders should be lightly punished unless they were accused of actions and aspirations with political aims. The students imprisoned in St. Petersburg and other towns were released, but were sent away. A new regulation was announced in August, designed to prevent a repetition of the disturbances. All students who in future create or instigate disorders either within the higher educational institutions or outside will be forcibly drafted into the army and made to serve as soldiers for a period of one to three years, according to the decision of the authorities of the institution concerned, assisted by delegates from the Ministries of War, Justice, and the Interior. On Nov. 1 M. Goremykin, who had rendered himself unpopular by his intervention in the student question and by other actions, was dismissed from the Ministry of the Interior, being succeeded by M. Sepiagin, who was appointed, as is usual, for a probationary period at first. A new educational institution was established at Vladivostok for instruction in the Chinese and English languages, with either Japanese, Korean, Mongolian, or Manchu, and French, at the option of the student, also commercial and economical subjects, the object being to prepare young men for administrative, commercial, and industrial posts in east Asiatic Russia and adjoining countries.

Finland. The grand duchy of Finland was ceded to Russia by Sweden in 1809. By a special grant of Alexander I, which his successors have renewed on their accession, some of the Swedish constitutional liberties secured in 1772 and 1809 were guaranteed, and to take the place of representation in the Swedish Riksdag a Finnish Diet was instituted. Innovations were introduced in 1869 and 1882 into the charter, which provides for the representation of the four estates namely, the nobles, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants-in a Parliament convoked by the Czar as Grand Duke of Finland. Projects of law submitted by the Grand Duke are discussed and amended, but he retains the right of veto. Amendments to the Constitution or new taxes must have the consent of all four estates, but the initiative was reserved by Alexander II to imperial

authority. The projects of law are framed by the State Secretary for Finland in St. Petersburg, assisted by four councilors, two of whom are appointed by the Russian Government and two selected by the Senate at Helsingfors, the members of which are nominated by the Crown. The Senate is the executive authority in Finland, and consists of the Department of Finance, which administers the railroads, telegraphs, canals, and customs, and the Department of Justice, which has charge of public health and the judiciary. Military affairs are looked after by the Russian Ministry of War and foreign affairs by the Russian Chancellor. Finland has its own currency, but in 1890 the Russian paper and silver rubles were declared legal tender. A penal code enacted by the Senate in that year was not put into force, by decision of the Russian Government. The post offices of Finland were placed in charge of the Russian Minister of the Interior and attached to the Russian postal service in 1891.

The estimated revenue for 1897 was 65,601,746 marks or francs, of which 14,664,098 marks were the balance from former budgets and 2,000,000 marks were taken from the reserve fund. The estimated expenditures left a surplus of 11,227,168 marks to be carried over to the following year. Of the revenue indirect taxes produced 24,480,000 marks and direct taxes 5,801,620 marks. The chief expenditures were 9,827,195 marks for civil administration, 7,997,920 marks for military affairs, 7,682,335 marks for education and worship, and 4,663,160 marks for the public debt. The debt amounted to 84,264,668 marks.

The land of Finland is divided among 345 nobles, 2,218 burghers, 297 foreigners, and 111,557 peasants. Of the owners 28 per cent. have farms under 12 acres, 51 per cent. between that size and 62 acres, 19 per cent. between the latter figure and 250 acres, and 2 per cent. estates of greater extent. Rye, oats, barley, potatoes, wheat, flax, and hemp are the crops. Of horses there are 300,650, and 1,409,183 cattle, 1,067,384 sheep, 197,356 hogs, and 129,984 reindeer. The Crown forests cover 14,050,471 hectares, and their produce brings in 2,284,000 marks a year, less 628,000 marks for maintenance. The product of iron ore in 1895 was 67,724 tons; of pig iron, 23,220 tons; of bar iron, 17,863 tons. Besides iron and mechanical works, there are factories for textiles, leather, beer, spirits, paper, and chemicals, and wood and bone working employs a great many people. The total value of imports in 1897 was 202,500,000 marks, of which 73,200,000 marks came from Russia, 65,700,000 marks from Germany, 29,200,000 marks from Great Britain, 12,200,000 marks from Sweden and Norway, and lesser amounts from Denmark, France, Spain, and other countries. The total value of exports was 168,700,000 marks, of which 51,200,000 marks went to Great Britain, 48,300,000 marks to Russia, 17,000,000 marks to Denmark, 14,600,000 marks to France, 13,000 marks to Germany, and the rest to Sweden, Spain, and other countries. The principal imports were cereals for 41,000,000 marks, cotton and cotton goods for 13,900,000 marks, iron and hardware for 12,800,000 marks, machinery for 12,100,000 marks, coffee for 11,170,000 marks, woolens for 8,500,000 marks, sugar for 6,600,000 marks, and for smaller amounts chemicals, leather goods, tobacco, oils, etc. The export of timber was valued at 79,400,000 marks, butter at 30,300,000 marks, paper and paper pulp at 15,600,000 marks, iron and iron goods at 4,400,000 marks. Lesser items were textiles, leather, hides and skins, tar, and pitch.

The number of vessels entered at Finnish ports

during 1897 was 8,376, of 1,868,713 tons, of which 5,871, of 822,907 tons, were Finnish; 528, of 83,414 tons, Russian; and 1,977, of 962,392 tons, foreign. The total number cleared was 8,354, of 1,861,177 tons. The Finnish merchant marine on Jan. 1, 1898, consisted of 1,790 sailing vessels, of 248,809 tons, and 218 steamers, of 35,103 tons.

The principal avenues of internal communication are the canals connecting the lakes of Finland, through which 24,332 vessels passed in 1896. The railroads have a total length of 1,535 miles, all belonging to the Government except 20 miles. The number of letters and postal cards carried in the mails in 1896 was 11,123,781; of newspapers, 10,631,868; of parcels, 1,939,899.

Under the military law of 1878 all Finns at the age of twenty-one have to present themselves to be drawn by lot for service in the army, which lasts three years with the colors and two years in the reserve; those not drawn for active service pass into the reserve, and during the five years are called out three times for instruction. The officers and underofficers must be of Finnish nationality, under the chief command of the Governor General. The Finnish troops in 1898 consisted of 1 battalion of rifles, incorporated in the Czar's bodyguard at St. Petersburg, 8 battalions of rifles of the line, and 1 regiment of dragoons; total effectives, 236 officers and 6,020 men. Of Russian troops there were stationed in the grand duchy 8 battalions of rifles, 2 battalions of fortress infantry, 4 batteries, 16 companies of fortress artillery, and a detachment of sappers; total strength, 300 officers and 9,200 men.

In 1898 the Senate was called upon by the Grand Duke to prepare a scheme of universal obligatory military service for Finland. On Jan. 25 the Parliament, which was convoked every four or five years between 1861 and 1888, but had not met since the latter date, was called together in extraordinary session, and Gen. Bobrikoff, who had just been appointed Governor General in succession to Count Heydon, read to the representatives of the four estates of the Finnish people a speech from the throne, in which the Czar announced that since Finland had no need of troops separate from those of the Russian army, being indissolubly united with the empire and under the protection of the entire Russian state, the law of military service in Finland must be made uniform with that of the empire at large. At the same time, it being desirable that the new law should be made to harmonize with local conditions as far as possible, the project of the law would be submitted to the Diet. The obliteration of the special privileges and national Constitution of the Finns has been the desire and aim of the Slavophile party since the time of Alexander III, who would not countenance the Russification of the grand duchy to the extent that process was carried on in the Baltic provinces and in Poland before the close of his reign. On Feb. 15 an imperial manifesto was published stating that all legislation affecting the empire at large, as well as Finland, would in future be transacted by submitting projects of new laws to the Finnish Diet for its opinion as to the best method of adapting them to the conditions prevailing in the grand duchy, after which they will be passed over to the Russian State Council to be dealt with and promulgated in the usual way. In such cases the Emperor will be approached only by the imperial minister whom the projected law concerns and the State Secretary for Finland. The discussion of such laws in the State Council will be attended by the Governor General and the State Secretary, and when necessary by cer

tain members of the Finnish Senate appointed by the Czar. In this way the Finnish Parliament and Senate will no longer have the exclusive right of discussing measures designed for the purpose of bringing Finland into closer conformity with the rest of the empire, and therefore also affecting Russia. The manifesto declares that the existing system is maintained in full force as regards the promulgation of local laws touching exclusively the internal affairs of Finland, but reserves to the Emperor and his advisers the ultimate decision as to which laws come within the scope of the general legislation of the empire. This decision to treat any Finnish question that a Russian minister may consider to be connected with the requirements of the state in general as a matter to be decided by the Russian Council of State, leaving the Finnish Diet only a consultative voice, was totally unexpected, and it created a profound depression in Finland. The Finnish people saw in this new fundamental law the virtual abrogation of their selfgovernment and the prelude to the obliteration of their customs tariff and fiscal independence, of their currency, of their separate railroad administration, of their system of education, perhaps of their language and religion in the end. Their Parliament would be reduced to the position of a Russian provincial zemstvo. When the imperial manifesto became known at Helsingsfors the ladies and most of the men put on mourning. At first the Finnish Senate did not wish to promulgate the new law without having first protested and made an effort to have it repealed. The party known as Finnish, which is opposed in Finland to a so-called Swedish party, was divided in opinion at first, having on previous occasions justified Russian interference because the Russian authorities have usually befriended the peasantry in their conflicts with the Swedish nobility. The chief of the Finnish party resigned his seat in the Senate as a protest against holding back the Czar's manifesto. Later the bulk of the Finnish party were of the same mind as their former opponents as to the seriousness of the Russian attack on the chartered liberties of the grand duchy. The Senate, in spite of the irregularity of the procedure according to the Finnish Constitution, which declares that the Emperor and Grand Duke shall not make a new law without the knowledge and consent of the Diet or abolish an old law, decided to promulgate the manifesto and the new law that accompanied it, and at the same time to send a deputation to St. Petersburg, consisting of the talman, or spokesman, of each of the four estates, to plead with the Czar. The Minister State Secretary sought for this deputation an audience with the Czar, but Nicholas II refused to receive it, answering that he was deeply affected at learning that it was thought that he desired to break his word. He had given the best guarantee for the preservation of the internal legislation of Finland, and he commanded the State Secretary to request the deputies to return to their work at Helsingfors. A long petition coming from the Senate of Finland was forwarded to the Czar at the same time. It called attention to the paragraph of the Constitution declaring that fundamental laws can be made, amended, explained, or repealed only on the proposition of the Emperor and Grand Duke and with the consent of all the estates, and begged the Emperor to declare that no restriction of the constitutional rights of the Finnish people was implied in the new imperial enactment. No response was given to that, and next the Finns circulated a popular petition to which 523,000

names were signed, and this was taken to St. Petersburg by 500 representatives of all classes from every part of Finland. This address represented that the imperial manifesto had aroused alarm and sorrow throughout Finland, because it had dislodged the foundation stone of the social structure and taken away the right of the Finnish people to partake in their legislation, which Alexander I had promised forever and Alexander II and Alexander III had confirmed and extended; and pointing out that, although it bad calumniators in Russia, the Finnish people bad been faithful, law-abiding, averse to revolutionary doctrines, unfailing in the preservation of public order, the petitioners, unwilling to believe that the imperial intention was to menace the internal tranquillity, prayed the Emperor, who had placed right above might, to ordain that the new statutes be brought into harmony with the fundamental law of Finland, recognizing that the right of a small people is as sacred as that of the greatest nation and its patriotic feeling a virtue from which it may never recede. The deputation arrived in St. Petersburg in the middle of March without having first obtained the permission of the Governor General, in default of which Gen. Procope, the Minister for Finland, could neither receive them himself nor ask for them an audience with the Emperor. The Czar sent word that he was not offended, but they must go back to their homes and transmit any appeal they might have to make through the Governor General. The Emperor also wished the Minister Secretary of State to explain to the deputies that the manifesto does not interfere with the internal legislation of the country, but only applies to laws of imperial interest.

The committees of the Diet which examined the law for the reorganization of the army went exhaustively into the constitutional question, and reported that the proposed treatment of the Finnish army was inadmissible both in substance and in form. The military commission suggested that the Diet should accept as far as possible the new military burden, involving the addition of 7,200 men to the army and the raising of 10,000,000 rubles a year for their support, by raising the strength of the army on the peace footing from 5,600 to 12,000 men, retaining the present three years' service. The Russian proposal was for the ultimate increase of the army to 36,000 men, with a service of five years, and it was part of the plan to draft the men into the Russian army for service in remote parts of the empire under Russian officers, whereas the Constitution of Finland declares that none but Finnish citizens shall be eligible as officers, and prescribes that the troops shall be kept at home for the defense of Finland except when in time of war their services may not be needed at home and may be required elsewhere to aid in the general defense of the empire. The purpose of garrisoning Finland with Russian troops was another feature of the plan. The provisions of the army law were not only a grievous charge to be borne in a country which had hitherto escaped the crushing burden of modern military service, but to deport the young Finns to Russia and quarter Russian troops in Finland was obnoxious to the traditional sentiments of the people, an invasion of their guaranteed liberties if accomplished without the consent of the Diet, and apparently designed to extirpate their liberties and their nationality by the process that was being applied to the Poles, the Baltic Germans, the Armenians of the Caucasus, and alien elements in the empire everywhere.

The political excitement caused in Finland was a new manifestation in that quiet country. Newspapers that contained bitter comments on the Czar's manifesto and its tendency were confiscated or warned. Among the peasants there were many who welcomed the advent of Russian law and administration. Other Finns, to escape universal military service, emigrated to the United States or Canada. Notwithstanding the receipt of a communication stating that by the decision of the Emperor the military law belongs to the category of laws concerning the whole empire, the Diet adopted the conclusion of the committee that a law relating to military service can not be legally enacted in Finland without parliamentary consent. It resolved further that the militia should not be employed outside of Finland save for the defense of St. Petersburg. After the Diet had refused its consent to the Russian proposals, its session was closed on May 27 by an imperial edict. The Finnish Government had proposed to spend 10,000,000 marks of the surplus funds on railroads, including an extension from Uleaborg to Tornea, on the Swedish frontier. The Russian authorities insisted that the Finns should build a bridge across the Neva and connect their railroads with the Russian system rather than the Swedish. Of the amount set aside for railroad construction, it was ordered from St. Petersburg that only 6,000,000 marks should go for this purpose, while 2,000,000 marks should be expended on the army and 2,000,000 marks should form a fund with which land might be gradually acquired for the torpars, or agricultural laborers, of whom it was found that a third had no land of their own. The Finnish Senate was instructed to form a committee for carrying out this scheme, which made the Russians still more popular with the poorer peasantry. A society was organized for the propagation of the Russian language in Finland by classes and lectures. The educated Finns, however, who were attached to their constitutional liberties, sank their former differences with their Swedish-speaking compatriots of the noble and burgher classes in order to defend the parliamentary system as well as they could against the encroachments of autocracy and their national institutions from Russification. In addition to their political troubles, the people were face to face with distress amounting almost to famine, due to a very late spring and floods, which accelerated the emigration movement from the barren northern and eastern districts.

The infringement of the Czar's Government on the chartered rights and privileges of the Finns aroused the sympathy of lovers of constitutional liberty in all countries. A deputation of foreigners went to St. Petersburg to intercede with the Czar and present to him addresses signed by 800 eminent citizens of 12 parliamentary countries of Europe praying him to give heed to the petition of half a million Finnish men and women, and not continue in a course that might retard the cause of amity among the nations which he had sought to promote in summoning the Peace Conference at The Hague. These six gentlemen were politely informed by the Minister of the Interior that the Czar could not receive them and that their addresses could not be accepted. They went then to Helsingsfors, and, after receiving an ovation from the Finns, they deposited the addresses in the Finnish archives with the rejected monster petition of the Finnish people. In September Gen. Procope, who had defended the rights of his fellow-countrymen at St. Petersburg as well as he could, was replaced by W. K. von

Plehwe, one of the authors of the policy of Russification, who was appointed acting Secretary of State, being the first Russian who has represented Finland in the Russian Government since the retirement of Count Speransky in 1811. An imperial rescript published on July 4 emphasized the Czar's determination to persevere in his policy in spite of the remonstrances of the representatives of the Finnish people, which were declared to be out of place. Finland was an organic part of the Russian state and inseparable from it, and while the Czar considered it beneficial to preserve the special organization of internal legislation granted by his ancestors, he also inherited

SALVADOR, a republic of Central America. The legislative power is vested in the National Assembly, a single chamber of 42 members, 3 to each department, elected every year by universal suffrage. The President is elected also by the direct vote of the people for the term of four years. Rafael Antonio Gutierrez was elected President for the term ending March 1, 1899, and Dr. Prudencio Alfaro was elected Vice-President. The Cabinet constituted in 1897 was composed as follows: Minister of the Interior, Dr. Prudencio Alfaro; Minister of War and Marine, Dr. Juan F. Castro; Minister of Public Instruction and Charity, Dr. Carlos Bonilla; Minister of Public Works, Public Credit, and Justice, Dr. Antonio Ruiz. The direction of foreign affairs was delegated to the United States of Central America, a federation composed of Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua. In November, 1898, the opponents of federation in Salvador upset the constitutional Government and established a provisional Government under Gen. Tomas Regolado. Area and Population.-The area of Salvador is 7,225 square miles. The population on Jan. 1, 1895, was estimated at 803,534, of whom only about 20,000 are of pure European descent. San Salvador, the capital, has about 50,000 inhabit

ants.

Finances.-The revenue in 1898 was $4,600,000 in silver, and expenditure at least $11,000,000. In 1896 the revenue was $10,174,000, and expenditure $9,745,000. The revenue from import duties was estimated at $5,144,000; from spirit duties, $2,524,000. The expenditure of the Ministry of Finance was reckoned at $2,845,000; for the Ministry of War, $1,908,000; for the Ministry of the Interior, $1,487,000; for the Ministry of Public Works, $1,417,000.

The foreign debt, amounting to £725,000, has been assumed by an English company in consideration of various concessions. The Government agreed to pay to the company £24,000 a year for eighteen years and to hand over the railroad free of charge. The subsidy of £24,000 per annum was secured on 15 per cent. of the import duties. The company was bound to finish the railroad by July, 1901, or pay a forfeit of £1,000 for every month's delay. The internal debt was $8,000,000 in 1896.

Commerce and Production. The land is exceedingly fertile, and the people are industrious and frugal. The chief product is coffee. Indigo, sugar, and tobacco are also cultivated. The total value of imports in 1896 was $3,347,718; of exports, $7,485,384. The chief imports were cotton for $961,554, spirits for $371,205, iron manufactures for $183,616, flour for $132,438, and silk

the task of defining the relations of the grand duchy with the Russian Empire by the force of positive law. With this object he confirmed the fundamental law of Feb. 15 laying down rules for issuing general state laws for Finland, and in accordance with this legislative act, which remains unshakable in the future, the labors of the extraordinary Diet would be taken into consideration in drafting the new military law. He commanded the Governor General to impress upon the minds of the population the true meaning of the measures undertaken for the purpose of strengthening the bonds uniting the empire and the grand duchy.

goods and yarn for $142,389. The chief exports were coffee for $5,857,646, indigo for $979,990, tobacco for $274,268, and balsams for $92,659. The trade relations are mostly with the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and France. The imports of specie in 1896 were $119,199 and exports $187,688. The number of vessels that visited the ports in 1896 was 338. There are 72 miles of railroad, and other lines are building. The length of telegraphs is 1,724 miles of wire, besides 597 miles of telephone line. The number of telegraphic messages in 1896 was 660,682.

SAMOA, a kingdom occupying the Samoan Islands in the south Pacific Ocean, of which the neutrality and independence were guaranteed by the act signed at the Samoan conference in Berlin on June 14, 1889, by representatives of Germany, Great Britain, and the United States.

The area of the islands, 14 in number, is 1,701 square miles. The population in 1897 comprised 35,565 natives, about 450 whites, and 800 South Sea islanders working on the plantations. Of the Polynesian natives about 16,600 live in the island of Upolu, 12,500 in Savaii, and the rest in Tutuila. The foreigners in 1895 comprised 203 British and Australasians, 120 Germans, 26 Americans, 26 French, and 25 others. In 1899 there were about 475 foreigners.

The total value of imports in 1897 was 1,384,446 German marks-747,751 marks by German, 217,317 marks by English, 220,756 marks by American, and 198,622 by other houses. The value of exports was 1,004,632 marks, of which the value of 910,018 marks was exported by German, 352,213 marks by English, 33,651 marks by American, and 5,750 marks by other houses. The exports consist of copra, the pith of the palm tree, cotton, cacao, coffee, bamboo, and fruits. Most of the imports, including beer, woolens, wines, table delicacies, coal, umbrellas, ready-made clothing, and hardware, are for the use of the foreigners settled in the islands, most of whom reside in Apia. Apia was visited in the course of 1897 by 58 steamers, of 76,369 tons, and 22 sailing vessels, of 5,367 tons.

The taxation of the foreign population yielded 110,822 marks in 1897, of which 69,706 marks were import duties, 16,640 marks export duties, 8,025 marks Government taxes, and 16,451 marks municipal taxes. Of the total Germans paid 72,966 marks, English 11,801 marks, Americans 14,835 marks, and others 11,220 marks.

Provisional Government. In the last days of 1898 Chief-Justice Chambers held court to decide the rival claims to the kingship of Malietoa Tanu, son of the late King, and Mataafa, whose party was twice as numerous, but who was de

barred as a former rebel, who had been allowed to return from exile in the Marshall Islands on the condition that he should never again take part in Samoan politics. The American, English, and German consuls were present until the German consul withdrew, saying that the chief justice was not conducting the investigation properly and that the question should be decided by popular vote. The chief justice pointed out that the Supreme Court was the tribunal appointed by the provisions of the Berlin treaty. His life being openly threatened, the American and British flags were hoisted together over his residence, the German consul refusing to associate himself with his colleagues in this act of protection. On Dec. 31 the chief justice decided in favor of the claims of Tanu and against those of Mataafa. The American and British consuls intimated their acquiescence in the decision, but the German consul never acknowledged the receipt of the court's decree.

The German officials encouraged the supporters of Mataafa to resist, and German merchants offered to supply arms. Having as his military adviser a German ex-officer named Von Bülow, Mataafa mustered his 4,000 warriors on Jan. 1. Tanu's fighting force was only half as strong. When hostilities were seen to be inevitable, Capt. Sturdee, of the British war vessel Porpoise, sent 25 bluejackets ashore to guard the residence of the chief justice. Mataafa's men occupied the roads leading to Apia, drove the loyal natives back upon the capital, and finally hemmed them in and entered the town. Tanu was saved from capture by the British naval commander and the American and British consuls, who escorted him to a mission building, in which 600 of his people had already taken refuge. Fighting continued in the streets all the afternoon, and toward night Mataafa's victory became assured. Tanu and Tamasese, the Vice-King, escaped to the Porpoise, to which 1,200 of the defeated warriors fled on their boats. Capt. Sturdee emphatically refused to give up Tanu and Tamasese to Mataafa. For two days burning and plundering went on in Apia and the surrounding country. On Jan. 4 the American and British consuls decided in the interests of the protection of life and property to open negotiations with the successful rebels and to acknowledge Mataafa as de facto King. A provisional Government was formed, composed of Mataafa and 13 chiefs, with Dr. Johannes Raffel, the German president of the municipal council, who had taken a prominent part on Mataafa's side, at its head as executive chief. His first official act was to issue a decree proclaiming himself acting chief justice, Mr. Chambers having taken refuge on the British war vessel. He took the ground that, aside from the flight of Chief-Justice Chambers, the old Government was superseded by the provisional Government, which the chief justice did not recognize and in which he had no part, and which therefore could not recognize his judicial authority without stultifying itself by calling its own in question. In taking this course Dr. Raffel was strongly supported by the German consul and residents. On Jan. 9 the German consul general, Rose, issued a proclamation stating that it was legally impossible for Mr. Chambers to continue in the office of chief justice in a government constituted in consequence of the violent overthrow of his decision, and that the president of the municipality would therefore under the treaty fill the office during the temporary vacancy. The American and British consuls protested energetically, and the British naval commander gave notice that

Chief-Justice Chambers would hold court under the protection of the British guns, which would open fire if resistance were offered. Capt. Sturdee explained that in thus upholding the authority of the chief justice his motive was to assert and protect the rights of Great Britain and the United States in Samoa. On this intimation the provisional Government withdrew the guard posted at the courthouse, and on the appointed day Chief-Justice Chambers, accompanied by the American and British consuls and escorted by a guard of bluejackets, approached the courthouse. Dr. Raffel and the German consul protested and refused to open the door, which was broken, and the chief justice took his seat and read a decree condemning the unauthorized, unlawful, and rebellious proceedings of the provisional Government.

The United States Government, which had recently contracted for the construction of a coaling station at Pago Pago harbor, ordered RearAdmiral Kautz to proceed to Samoa on the Philadelphia. The Malietoa chiefs who were captured by Mataafa's men were banished to Tutuila, where they were welcomed by the people. Fighting continued in Upolu outside of Apia. The Mataafa people looted the houses of the defeated party and destroyed what they could not carry away, but sometimes their opponents overpowered their bands in the bush. A German resident of Apia, named Grossmühl, having shown his contempt for the authority of the chief justice after it was restored by breaking the windows of the courthouse, Chief-Justice Chambers had him arrested and imposed a fine and sentenced him to imprisonment. By direction of Dr. Raffel the German chief of police released the prisoner, and the German consul protested against the action of the chief justice as an infringement of the rights of the consulate. The British and American consuls held that the chief justice had jurisdiction in the matter, and they declined to hold further intercourse with the German consul or the municipal president except in writing unless an apology were offered for their behavior toward the chief justice. Dr. Raffel was cited to answer for contempt of court, and the German consul protested that this was an invasion of his consular jurisdiction. Otherwise he recognized the restored authority of the chief justice under instructions from his Government. Mataafa refused to let the natives deal with the British cruiser while Tanu and Tamasese and the chief justice were on board, but the threatening attitude of Capt. Sturdee impelled him to revoke his orders and to make an apology.

Mataafa and his followers did not entirely trust the Germans, who were formerly his chief enemies, and many of the people who at first declared for the experienced Mataafa in preference to the youthful Tanu began to waver when they saw that the old chief could not obtain the recognition of the English and American governments and might be abandoned by the German Government. All the inhabitants of Tutuila and half those of Savaii were on the side of Malietoa Tanu. There was little prospect of the settlement of the question without protracted civil war, even after the protecting powers should come to an agreement. The dispute was complicated with missionary rivalries, Mataafa being a Catholic and Tanu a Protestant. While awaiting the decision of the three powers as to who should be King the sentiment in Upolu, which had been preponderantly in favor of Mataafa, veered round to the cause of Tanu, and many chiefs deserted Mataafa. Still his partisans were