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berg trundled the long caravans of great Cape wagons, each drawn by a dozen yoke of oxen. The Transvaal was the land of Canaan after all, for there the Philistines could not oppress them. The elder Kruger took up a farm as large as a county, and when the boys grew up and married they made locations for themselves. Paul was known throughout the Transvaal for his strength, skill, courage, and resource. He hunted over the whole country, and killed more lions than any one else. No Kaffir could match him in fleetness of foot or endurance. Sound and shrewd of judgment, keen in practical affairs, convincing in argument, eloquent, masterful, he asserted himself among the young burghers, and soon held a place in the councils of the young nation of which he was the product and the type. He became field cornet, a member of the Volksraad, an active and diligent member who shaped legislation because he was grounded in the principles on which the republic was based and a thorough believer in them. He became a member of the Executive Council under President Burgers in 1872. When dissatisfaction at the liberal religious views of President Burgers threatened to disrupt the republic, when the failure of the expedition against the Bapedi rebels and the financial embarrassment caused by the President's ambitious policy of internal improvements seemed to justify the opinion of the pious Doppers that the Lord had deserted the republic, an English commissioner appeared and raised the British flag over the Transvaal, and a strong body of troops marched in straightway. Paul Kruger, Piet Joubert, all the Boers, all the Boer wives still more, were determined that the republic should not go under, that the Englander should not rule them and their children. All signed a memorial declaring that they did not desire British annexation-all the Boers, not the British and German traders and artisans who had invited the occupation. Kruger, Joubert, and Pretorius went to London to protest against the action of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, went again with this document to disprove the statement that the people had asked for annexation, and were informed that the British flag, once raised, would not be hauled down. The Boer deputation returned home discomfited, but not entirely disheartened. They knew their people's patience, persistence, unity, courage. The case was not worse than when they warred against Dingaan and his Zulus. They did as they had done in that dire time of tribulation. They came to gether quietly to discuss and plan. They prayed and sang the Transvaal hymn of deliverance from the British yoke. They quietly acquired more firearms and stored up provisions. When the British had reduced their garrisons they suddenly raised the flag of independence. The British sent troops up from Natal, and the Boers trapped them and beat them. When a rude farming community of about 6,000 men bade defiance to the British Empire, and when 800 British regulars were put to flight on ground selected by an English general by 156 of these farmers, there seemed to be political and military grounds for vindicating British prestige, and therefore an army was sent to subjugate the Transvaalers. When, on the other hand, every Dutch Afrikander felt his blood boil when he saw what England had done and intended to do to his kindred in the Transvaal there were political and military grounds for the British Government to stay its hand. Mr. Gladstone appreciated these grounds, and he understood that it would be more ignominious for Great Britain to impose a tyrannical yoke on a

race of white freemen than it was to have British soldiers worsted in a few skirmishes. Therefore the convention of 1881 was signed, giving back self-government to the Transvaal, Great Britain retaining suzerainty. The military successes that brought about this result were due to Joubert, who was elected commandant general. The political and diplomatic success was achieved by Kruger, and for that reason the burghers chose him in 1882 to be President of the Transvaal Republic, and in 1883, when the regular electoral period came round, he was reelected for five years, and in each successive election since, in 1888, in 1893, and in 1898. The convention of 1881 did not secure to the Transvaal that full measure of independence to which President Kruger and the burghers aspired. When they had organized the republic on a new and lasting basis, and were strong again because they were united, the President set himself to work to secure a revision of the convention. He was willing to concede commercial and territorial advantages if the Queen's Government would yield rights that were scarcely exercised or had little value. It was a question of names rather than actualities, but names that fastened the badge of dependence on the republic were harder to bear than material sacrifices. There was the right to march troops through Transvaal territory, the right to represent the republic in its external relations, the right to appoint a resident; there was the suzerainty, an invidious word, having no modern legal meaning, only defined as meaning here those specified rights. Paul Kruger went to London again in order to negotiate a new convention with Lord Derby, who had to consider, as before, the opinion of the Cape Afrikanders, which was altogether propitious, for Kruger always knew what ground he was walking on. To renounce any one of the thousand shadowy rights built out of words that rest unheeded in the British archives would not enter into the head of a British minister. The Liberal Secretary of State for the Colonies was willing to make a new convention, to let the Transvaal resume the old name of South African Republic, to expunge the word suzerainty from the preamble, to strike out the right to march troops into the Transvaal, to send a diplomatic agent instead of a resident to Pretoria, and to let the republic have its own diplomacy, subject to the condition that the Queen's Government should have six months in which to disapprove any treaty made with a foreign power. That veto power was all that stood between the Transvaal and absolute independence. The state President was willing to give a substantial quid pro quo in order to take back to Pretoria this convention of 1884.

The national development of the South African Republic was rapid after Kruger had secured this convention. With their own railroad to the nonBritish port of Delagoa Bay the Boers were independent of the railroad and customs tariffs of the Cape and Natal. They secured a title to a port of their own, the Bay of St. Lucia, in Zululand, but the British Government intervened and took it away from them. The discovery of gold in the Transvaal opened the prospect of a national revenue, a thing almost impossible to obtain from farmers alone, and Kruger permitted miners to come in, and gave them a code of mining laws as liberal as those of California. He had controversies with the Foreign Office, of course. His life has been spent in these controversies. The British settlers objected to being commandeered to fight Kaffir rebels. He excused

them from being commandeered. Afterward they wanted franchise privileges. He gave them franchise privileges in matters affecting the mines and the Uitlander community. Eventually they raised a factitious clamor for full burgher rights. Here he had to deal not with the bungling impersonality in Downing Street, with its pigeonholed official knowledge which would make out the Transvaal Boers to be British subjects who had gone beyond the pale of the law to gratify their criminal propensities among savages, but with a man, a practical politician, who could bend multitudes to his will, who was crafty, ingenious, resourceful, careless of the means he used if they only served his end, and that end involved first of all the extinction of the South African Republic. The history of South Africa subsequent to the conclusion of the last London convention is a narrative of the struggle between Paul Kruger and Cecil Rhodes. As Premier of Cape Colony and the accepted leader of the Afrikander party, pretending to pursue the good of all South Africa, but nursing the local jealousies springing from separate material interests, Rhodes sought to win the Cape Dutch and the Free Staters to his side, and actually secured their quiescence and consent when he threw a strangling band of British territory round the Transvaal, checking all expansion to the west or the north. Kruger had established friendship with Lobengula; but Rhodes unearthed a dormant mining concession, given by Lobengula for a supply of firearms to fight the Boers, and on the strength of this obtained a royal charter. The Cape Dutch had now lost faith in Rhodes, so he took the opposite party into his train, and nursed the jealousies of the British in South Africa, especially the rapidly increasing mining community on the Rand, which grew to outnumber the Boers of the Transvaal. He plotted the revolutionary uprising of 1895 and the invasion of the Transvaal by the Chartered Company's troops. This proved a lamentable failure, owing to the watchfulness of Kruger and the unwillingness of the American conspirators and of the workingmen to abolish the republic and accept British rule. If Rhodes had been on hand there would have been no abortive rising, but he had to suffer an eclipse in consequence of the fiasco. To Kruger it gave the opportunity he desired. He armed and fortified the Transvaal. It was four years before the Uitlander agitation could be renewed with the prospect of British official support. In 1899 Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Alfred Milner determined to curb the growing military power and national spirit of the South African Republic, even at the cost of war. Asserting the suzerainty of Great Britain, they assumed the right of the British subjects in the Transvaal to the franchise on a theory that Englishmen are a masterful race,

L

LAWTON, HENRY WARE, American soldier, born in Manhattan, Lucas County, Ohio, March 17, 1843; fell in the battle of San Mateo, Luzon, Philippine Islands, Dec. 19, 1899. He was a student in the Methodist Episcopal College in Fort Wayne, Ind., when the civil war broke out, enlisted in the Ninth Indiana Volunteers April 18, 1861, and was appointed a sergeant. On Aug. 20 he was commissioned first lieutenant in the Thirtieth Indiana Regiment, May 17, 1862, was promoted captain, and Nov. 15, 1864, lieutenant colonel. He was mustered out of the service Nov.

who will not suffer others to rule them, and that such a condition constituted a danger to the peace of South Africa. The policy of President Kruger in regard to the franchise was always clear and simple. He wanted as many new burghers as he could get that would stand by the republic and uphold its laws and institutions. Strangers who came to get money and return after a few years to their own country he did not want; still less Britishers who desired to upset the republic and convert it into a British colony. When the strangers began to flock in the naturalization period was made longer and longer, so as to exclude the elements that could not be assimilated, though all who showed their loyalty to the republic by going out with the burgher commandos to fight native rebels or the Jameson raiders were naturalized immediately by special legislation. The state President offered to prove to Sir Alfred Milner that Englishmen with few exceptions would not renounce their nationality to become Transvaal burghers, and that the majority of the Uitlanders were satisfied with the laws and their administration. The High Commissioner persisted in his demand for a five years' retrospective franchise as an irreducible minimum. The state President offered this if the newly revived claim to suzerainty were abandoned; but Sir Alfred Milner could not agree to retract or even ignore the absurd assumption of Mr. Chamberlain that the preamble of the convention of 1881 was still in force. President Kruger said he would not consent to give his country away to strangers. Thus war resulted between Great Britain and the allied Boer republics—a war that he predicted would stagger humanity.

Ohm Paul, or Uncle Paul, as his people sometimes call him, is vigorous in body and intellect in his old age. He is a typical Boer patriarch, the father of eleven children, who have large families too. He has sold gold-bearing land and other property enough to make him very wealthy-a millionaire in pounds sterling, it is said yet he lives in the utmost simplicity in a modest house. He shares the common Boer disdain for luxury and elegance, as well as for ceremony and formality. The Bible is his constant guide, and from its perusal he has acquired the habit of quoting scriptural texts in support of his political arguments. From the Bible, too, he has learned the graceful art of illustrating his meaning by means of parables and forcible similes. He often mounts the pulpit, and has the reputation of being the best preacher in Pretoria. Tobacco and coffee are his only indulgences. Coffee is indeed the only regale that is usually set before visitors in the President's house, and to keep a plentiful supply ready an annual sum is allotted from the state treasury.

25, 1865, with the brevet rank of colonel. In 1864 Capt. Lawton commanded his regiment. Its service was at the West, and he received the of ficial commendation of his superior officers on several occasions, especially for the manner in which he handled his men in the battle of Nashville. The brigade to which his regiment belonged captured on the two days of battle 7 of the 13 guns secured by the entire division, and 641, or more than half, of the prisoners. The Thirtieth Indiana was very much reduced in strength about this time, and Capt. Lawton car

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