Monday,]

ELLS.

[February 23d

first in favor of submitting this proposition to satisfied from my observations there, that all the people, and that they would join in the re-things considered, they were doing better than port recommending it.

But when the majority presented their report upon this question, we find two of the opposite party presenting a minority report, appealing to old miserable prejudices, intended to excite a feeling among the people that the Republican party in this convention were taking extreme ultra grounds. But I am willing, so far as I am concerned, to meet them upon the question here presented, boldly and fearlessly, and to abide by the decision of the people. If they decide against the position which the Republican party here take upon this question, let the decision so remain until we can convince the people that they are wrong.

I am for leaving this question to the people, believing that in so doing I am not endangering the success of the Constitution. I ha. e no fears if the people shall decide to give colored people the right to vote, that I shall be endangering the prosperity of the State. The idea that the negroes will all come here if we allow them this privilege, is the most preposterous doctrine that was ever uttered in any assembly. The gentleman from Henry [Mr. Clarke] has already called your attention to New England, and I wish to call the minds of gentlemen to a single fact, that Connecticut is the only State there where colored men have not the right to vote, and yet she has in proportion to her population as many free blacks as any other State in New England. Why do they settle there, and why do they not go to other States where they will have the right to vote? It is for this reason: that the negro is like any other man, who settles where his interests are the strongest. Wherever his own personal advantage is concerned there he will remain, and just so it will be in this State. The negro will come here if his interest will be promoted by so doing; if it is not he will stay away.

poor men generally in the slave states. Many of them had acquired wealth, and paid taxes upon fifteen or twenty thousand dollars of property to support Queen Victoria's government. Said a colored gentleman with whom I was conversing, if slavery were abolished in Kentucky, or any other southern state, I would go there at once, because I prefer to live among a people that have no prejudice against my race.

There is no doubt sir, but what there is a prejudice universally existing here at the north against color. I feel it myself, and so does almost every other man. At the first thought, I look at the negro simply as a black man, and feel a repugnance to him, but the moment he approaches me as an intelligent being I forget that he is black. I believe that is the experience of most northern men-southern men have no prejudice against color; with them it is the condition. In support of this assertion, and to the credit of the South, I will give you a fact in illustration.

Several years since, an old minister of the gospel of Christ, educated at Middlebury College, Vermont, a young mulatto, intending him for the ministry. After he had completed his studies, the old gentleman applied to several theological institutions of the country, of his peculiar faith, for permission to enter his young friend as a theological student, but without success; such at that time was the state of feeling in these institutions. He then furnished him the means and sent him to Edinburgh, Scotland. At Albany the young man took passage on a steamboat for New York, and for presuming to enjoy the privileges secured to him by his first class ticket, was treated with contempt by a lot of northern negro-hating dandies. This attracted the attention of a southern gentleman-a slaveholder. This gentleman, with a view of ascertaining the extent and knowledge of a northern It is a fact, that every man of observation will free negro, spoke civilly to the young man, and admit, that the negro of this country is not pro- received a civil answer in good pure Anglogressive but stationary in his habits. In a large American-Saxon. Perceiving that he was a well majority of cases he is willing to endure all the educated man, he addressed him in Latin and wrong that may be inflicted upon him, rather was answered in Greek, when the southern genthan to fly to others that he knows not of. Itleman remarked, you have got beyond my am satisfied that the free negroes of the South have a greater horror of this northern climate and of the people who live here, than they have of slavery in its mildest form. I am satisfied of this fact from my own experience. The climate of Iowa, like the climate of Canada, and the extreme northern States, would keep away the colored race, if it were not for the fact that they can enjoy a certain measure of freedom. That is all the inducement which brings them here. It is the desire to get away from the unnatural and cursed institution of slavery that impels the negro to flee to the north, and endure the horrors of a Canadian winter.

I visited the negroes in Canada, opposite Detroit, and while there, I conversed with their most intelligent men, and I became perfectly

depth.

This conversation occurred on the upper deck. He then invited the young student into the saloon, and proposed to join him in a glass of wine. The young man accepted the invitation to the saloon, but from principle, declined the wine. A long conversation followed this singular introduction, in which the young student gave his friend of the hour, a hasty sketch of his life, and his plans for the future. At parting, the southern gentleman gave him a cordial invitation to visit him if he ever came south, remarking that he had no prejudice against color, but was always happy to meet an educated gentleman.

These facts were given to the public on the following day at a meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York, by the young

man himself, and were published in the newspapers at that time.

With this knowledge of the northern character on the part of the negro, and the feelings that so universally exists in the minds of the people of the north, I think gentlemen need give themselves no anxiety about the negroes coming here in great numbers, even if the people of the State vote to give them the right of suffrage.

It is only when they become thoroughly educated and competent to defend themselves everywhere that they become migratory, except in those cases where they run away to escape those punishments which slavery so often inflicts upon the victims of its cruelty. Indeed, sir, I cannot look upon the question of negro suffrage as a practical one in this State; and I am satisfied that were it not for carrying out a consistent rule of right action, that no considerable portion of the people would give any attention to the subject. By the census there are less than three hundred colored persons in the State, all told; scarcely enough to make an exception to

the rule.

I am pleased to see the Republicans of this Convention, with the single exception of the gentleman from Johnson, [Mr. Clarke,] so thoroughly united in the justice and expediency of submitting this question to the people.

The Republican party of this country, sir, is emphatically a progressive party; and any man or set of men who attempt to prescribe limits to its political action for all coming time, must set their bounds far into the misty future, or they will find themselves overwhelmed with the "ground-swell," now setting inland from the mighty ocean of moral truth. That which satisfies the people to-day will become obsolete and be cast off to-morrow. The wonderful developments made in the moral and political, as well as the natural sciences, within the last twenty years, admonishes us to be careful how we cripple ourselves by the adoption of any short-sighted policy of political action. Let that good old scripture admonition be our rule of action: "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." Let us do right, and leave the consequences to God and our country.

[February 23d

is a party question. But I do say, sir, that in battling against the extension of slavery, we are contending against those unnatural prejudices that have so long existed in the old Democratic party. I stated that this constituted one of the distinguishing features between these two parties. All I desire, in our action here, is, to give the people of the State an opportunity to express at the ballot box their wishes in regard to this word "white."

I re

ing, during the late canvass, a distinguished Mr. CLARKE, of Johnson. I remember hearDemocratic elector, upon the steps of this capitol, charge that the Republican party were in favor of giving negroes a right to vote. member turning away, while this Democratic publican meeting that same day, in which I meeting was in progress, and addressing a Retook occasion to denounce that declaration, as one unwarranted by the facts. I understand the doctrine of the Republican party to be opposition to the extension of slavery. But while they take this position, they do not propose to take any steps to interfere with it, where it legally exists, only to prevent its extension over territory now free.

I understand, furthermore, that the Republitions that exist in the free States, which prove can party are in favor of abolishing the distinca bar to the colored man in the enjoyment of his rights; for instance, such a law as that which existed in this State prior to the last General Assembly, which prohibited negroes from giving their testimony in courts; or such as that, which would prohibit them from settling in our State, and such laws as those which deny to them, as colored men, those rights which are necessary to the enjoyment of the rights of every individual. I understand that the Republican party are opposed to all such laws as these, that they are willing to repeal them, if any such exist upon our statute books. Or in other words, that the colored population. if they come here, shall have the right of protection under our laws, and shall be protected in the enjoyment of their rights of property. This I understand to be Republican doctrine, and thus far I am a Republican at heart.

true, and I am not ashamed of that speech, and I trust the time will never come when I shall blush for it. I did speak in favor of giving the negro the right to testify in courts of justice, not only as a protection to him, but to the white man. That doctrine I shall support, and always maintain.

We have been told, by the gentleman from Mr. CLARKE of Johnson. I did not intend Henry, [Mr. Clarke,] that upon a question simto participate in this discussion at all; but, in-ilar to this, I made a very long speech. That is asmuch as the gentleman from Henry, [Mr. Clarke,] in his confessions and autobiography delivered here awhile since, paid his respects to me; and, inasmuch as the gentleman from Scott, [Mr. Ells,] intimated that I am afraid to express my sentiments upon this question, I deem it my duty now to make a few remarks. In the first place, I take issue with the gentleman from Scott in saying that this is a party question, and I deny here that the Republican party of this or any other State in the Union, has ever taken ground in favor of giving to the negroes the right of suffrage.

Mr. ELLS. I did not state, in any remarks made here to-day, or at any other time, that this

Some gentlemen here are placed in a very singular position, for we find them arguing in favor of submitting a proposition to the people, when they distinctly avow here that they would not vote in favor of the proposition themselves. This may be Democratic in the extended meaning of that term which these gentlemen use. But it seems to me like trifling, like an attempt

MARVIN-CLARKE, of J.-CLARKE, of H.

Is there any practical purpose to be gained by this course? It is admitted on all hands, and by both the gentlemen who advocate this proposition, that the people will vote it down. No man believes that it can command a respectable vote in the State. And yet we are wasting time in discussing this subject, and creating odium against ourselves, against the constitution, and against the Republican party, upon a question And, lest I should be further misunderstood upon which the party has never taken ground, in regard to this matter, I will state more fully and in favor of which they are not committed. my ideas and opinions in the premises. Take I am a Republican so long as the Republican up your Constitution and begin with the bill party is the party of liberty, so long as it op- of rights, and what do you find there? The poses the extension of slavery, and so long as it is willing to allow the negro, when he comes here, the rights to hold property and to enjoy it, and the right to his liberty. In all this I am a

and liberty, acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness."

[February 23d

Suppose that these individuals who are so terribly afraid that "colored" men will get some rights, and obtain some benefits, under this Constitution, should propose to insert before the word "men," in the first line of this section, the word "white"? Sir, we have been dared to strike out the word "white." Now I dare gen-platform all cut and dried, sent on here right hot tlemen to insert the word in the section I have just quoted. And suppose, sir, that such was the proposition; would not the gentleman from Johnson, [Mr. Clarke,] who was once, I believe, a candidate for the office of elector, for that famously anti-slavery party, known as the "third party"-would he not get up here and defend the broad principles of human rights, as set forth in that section, and yet claim that he should not be "niggerized" for so doing? And yet, when I advocate the application of these same principles of the bill of rights to other artiles of the Constitution, this consistent gentleman can get up here and charge me, with just as much of candor and fairness with, being a "niggerizer," and "niggerizing" this Convention!

tor.

No, no, gentlemen; as I told you before, so I tell you now, the time will come when these principles will triumph. Those who now laugh. at me, and mock at me for being so sanguine in this matter, remind me of a scene I witnessed some two years and over since, in this very hall. It was the first time I was ever here. I came as a delegate from Henry county, to attend a Whig State convention. What did I find here? A from the kiln in Washington, endorsing the whole of the compromises of 1850, swallowing the fugitive slave law and all. I could not go that figure. I had always acted with the whig party, had never been considered an abolitionist, had never been the candidate of the third party for any office, not even that of Van Buren elecI had not been a simon-pure abolitionist enough for that. I came here as a whig, and I said to the assemblage: gentlemen this may all be very well for whigs who wish to be nothing else, but I tell you, if you adopt these resolutions, you will find, before you get home, that the people will be thundering in your ears their disapprobation of this thing. There is that going on in Washington, that will present a new the people will disregard you. The great quesissue to the people, and if you do not regard it tion is going to be, not tariffs, not banks, not construction of the constitution, but the great matters of internal improvements, not a strict battle to be fought is to be, between freedom and slavery, and you may as well open your eyes to the fact at once. Pass these resolutions, and establish your platform upon such principles and issues, and I tell you the people will knock down your candidates as fast as you can set them up. That was the position I took here. And what did gentlemen do? They sneered at me, and called me the abolitionist from Henry county. They seemed to have the idea that Henry county was the hot-bed of abolitionism, and that no man could come from there without being an abolitionist to the manor born.

I say that I wish that every man here was "not almost, but altogether snch as I am," upon this and similar subjects, except, perhaps, county bonds! I go, then, merely for the carrying out of those principles, throughout the Constitution, that we set out with in the bill of rights. And, sir, we find in the very next section of the bill of rights that, "all political power is inherent in the people. Government is instituted for the protection, security and benefit of the people," &c. Why do not gentlemen, who are so thin-skinned about negroes, get up here and move that this section be amended, so as to read, "all political power is inherent in white people"? That would be just as sensible as their objections to this resolution. Again, gentlemen say they are opposed to having negroes eligible to office. Sir, I am willing to leave the people to take care of this matter; and they will do it. I repudiated the compromises of 1850 and the Did any gentleman here ever know of a negro being elected to any office in the United States? fugitive slave law, and the resolution endorsing Yet this is one of the supremest scare-crows and them, and drew up and offered an anti-Nebraska hobgoblins relied upon by the gentleman to olution was adopted and the other rejected. resolution in its place. That anti-Nebraska resfrighten us with! If you can find an instance And gentlemen got up and took their hats and where, against all the prejudices of our race, went out of this chamber, denouncing the conand the contempt and obloquy bestowed upon avention as a convention of abolitionists, and mydespised caste, a black man can be elected, even to the office of constable, in any district in this country, then I will show you a wonder among the nations. The negro man who could get elected to any office must have the supremest wisdom and qualities of mind; he must needs be a very Christ in ebony. Do the people need anything to prevent such a casualty, except their own prejudices and their detestation of the black race? Do we, the boasted Anglo-Saxon race, "independent, free and sovereign," need any restriction in our Constitution to protect us from this poor persecuted race? That is what

it amounts to.

self as a fanatic. But, let me ask, did not the nated, get elected? Did we not at that time governor, and the other State officers we nomiachieve the first victory over that party that had been in power in this State from its first organi

zation?

And I tell you gentlemen, the principles I am now advocating, will be, must be, shall be, victorious. They are right, they are just, they are true. And the time will come, it must come, it shall come, when even you, Mr. Chairman, [Mr. Gillaspy,] will be in favor of them. I must at least pay this compliment to your hon

esty which I have endorsed so many times in this body. Every honest man must support these principles, at first or at last. I tell you, we live in an age and in a community when the people think and act for themselves. Their hearts are in the right place, and as soon as they get the idea in their minds that a thing is right they go for it.

[February 23d

encourage negroes to come into this State." Then they must want to discourage them from coming here. They must make a distinction in every case between the whites and the blacks. If they carry out the doctrine fully they will not allow the negro any of the rights contained Let us suppose the gentlein this constitution. men attempt the necessary amendments to carry out their principles.

While we are sitting here in this convention We find here, "Every person may speak, talking about this matter, over in Illinois the committees of her legislature are making reports write, and publish his sentiments on every subtrying to get rid of some of these same restric-ject, being responsible for the abuse of that tions, that have been thrown around the people right. No law shall be passed to restrain or there by their self-constituted guardians. It is abridge the liberty of speech or of the press.” an eye-sore, a cancer, a foreign substance stuck Oh, say they, if a negro comes in here, he may into the body of republican principles, and be saucy, and speak to a white man without taequals," " and wherever it has stuck it will fester and work king his hat off, as if they were until the body politic gets rid of it. And in Mis-that will never do at all; we must save ourselves souri, on the other side, they are struggling to from insult from these negroes, and thereupon get rid of slavery, endeavoring to throw off what we will say that "every white person may speak, they see, and know and feel is an evil. I tell write," &c.; and when they come to the declayou the public mind is alive and acting in this ration that "The right of the people to be sematter, and it is nothing but true republican cure in their persons, houses, papers and effects democracy that is working out its heaven-di- against unreasonable seizures and searches, shall rected mission. You may talk to men as much not be violated," they will say, Oh, that must as you please about the great wrongs done to not be so, for it will be saying to every negro, this persecuted race; you may appeal to their If you come to the State of Iowa, you will be sympathies as much as you please. You may protected in your person and property, because, thus agitate and excite, but the effect is but as the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall], ephemeral. says, "they are all people, all of them, knaves and fools, negroes and Indians." It will never answer to encourage the negro to come in here. And the gentleman from Des Moines would get up and read a great long extract from some speech or report made by him years ago, to show to the people of this State that if they let this provision of the constitution stand as it is, negroes will come in here and breed to such an extent that bye and bye they will be worse than the frogs of Egypt, getting not only into their ovens and their kneading troughs, but into their ballot boxes and the governmental places of the State. Therefore, we must not say that "the right of the people to be secure in their persons," &c., "shall not be violated," but that the right of "white people shall be secure," &c. The property of the blacks must be left open to pillage, and their persons to outrage, for fear that otherwise they may be "encouraged" to come into the State.

But once imbue the minds of the masses with the true principles of republican democracy, and the work is done. Why, sir, I have almost less confidence in the success of those who attempt to spread the true principles of christianity, than I have in the final universal prevalence of the true principles of democracy and Republicanism. As I said the other day, those principles are based on christianity, and when they prevail, all these things, now called, through timidity and prejudice, "necessary evils" must, and will, and shall be done away. I can abide my time, for I have entire confidence in the result.

And I will say here to those republican gentlemen, who are now so incredulous, and have no confidence in the people, you will yet take me by the hand, as one of the gentlemen did who went out from our convention. He took me by the hand and said—"Sir, I thought you was wrong, but I was wrong myself; and I thank God I was wrong!"

It is only a lack of confidence that make men here take the position they do upon this matter.

I repeat, gentlemen have dared me to do certain things, and I dare them to apply their principles to this constitution; to carry out to their full extent the principles they have professed upon this floor. To what extent would they be obliged to go to do that? They would have to stick in the word "white," everywhere there is a declaration of right or an affirmance of principle in order to nullify its universal application. For instance, take the ground asserted here as a chief reason for inserting the word "white," in the article on suffrage, that they do not want to

And they must also say that "the right of trial by jury shall remain inviolate-except to the black man." And also that "in all criminal prosecutions, the accused, if a white person, shall have a right to a speedy trial by an impartial jury." And they must also, in order that no fugitive slave may be encouraged to come over here from Missouri, where they have such good. kind, Christian masters, for fear they may have the right of trial by jury if charged with the stealing of themselves and their clothes (which of course would be the ruin of the State), they must say that "no white person shall be held to answer for a criminal offence, unless on presentment or indictment by a grand jury." And they must also say that "no white person shall, after