father of his country being found too deeply enshrined in the hearts of a virtuous people, the circle of proscription was narrowed down; and while Washington was left to the grandeur of his towering virtues, unapproachable to malice, envy, ambition or crime, Adams and Hamilton were specially selected as the victims to popular vengeance, under the sapping and mining system of intrigue, insinuation and newspaper detraction, of the charge of BRITISH INFLUENCE, MONARCHICAL PRINCIPLES and TREASONABLE PROJECTS, charges as baseless as the winds, and which never would have found breath to utter them, but for the ambition of those who, under the plea of agricultural pursuits in unbroken retirement, panted to gain the high places, which were never to be reached but by the most profound system of intrigue, deception and management, or the most adroit appeals to the popular passions, to objects of visionary oppression, or fanciful equality of rights, possessions and privileges.

It was manifest to the most superficial observation, that the grounds of opposition assumed by the party headed by Jefferson, were generally untenable and fallacious; and the simple interrogation of what has French liberty to do with American policy?' at once exploded the illusion of exclusive republicanism in the opponents of Washington. American liberty was settled forever by the CONSTITUTION and the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE; and Mr. Jefferson himself had been a party to the establishment of that national policy, which the first President had devised and executed, under the masterly co-operation of General Hamilton; which policy was based on the natural interests of the whole Union, resolvable into commerce, agriculture and manufactures; peace with all nations, and entangling alliances with none: which policy every year's experience confirmed and settled deeper and deeper into the vitals of the country, as the natural and never to be exploded system which was essential to the prosperity, growth, independence and power of the nation; and, even up to the present time, has continued entire and unbroken, a monument of the united wisdom and patriotism of Washington; and a test of the fallacy of all those grounds of party opposition, which, when triumphant, never ventured to remove one stone of that glorious edifice of our prosperity; which, through all the revolutions of factions, all the storms of

party, all the fierce contentions of rival candidates, has REMAINED THE SAME; a standing rebuke to parties, and a historical lesson to the people, warning them against those dissentions, which render the multitude mad, in order that a few may make their fortunes out of their fevers and their folly; and which, like Cromwell, only shouts liberty to gain power, and cants of reform, that it may more successfully practice corruption.

One apparent exception only is to be found in this practice of federal policy by Mr. Jefferson, and his democratic successors; and that is the BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. This is only an apparent exception, for Mr. Madison raised the reputed monster from its ashes, with limbs enlarged to gigantic measurement, and we have lived to see democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress, give it their sanction as a part of the settled policy of the country. The same observation will extend to the FUNDING SYSTEM, and EXCISE, which, under the democratic administration of the immediate successor of Mr. Jefferson, rose to a colossal size, unknown in the times of the federal 'monocrat,' and which could not have failed to awaken the terrors of Hamilton himself, for the permanency and purity of free institutions!

Even on the question of the bank, Mr. Jefferson had, from want of moral courage, manifested a doubtfulness and indecision in the concluding sentence, where he recommends that the President should acquiesce in the opinion of Congress, which was far from making this institution an essential object of exclusion to the republican creed; especially, when contrasted with his favourite position, that every branch of government was equally à judge of the unconstitutionality of a law; and bound to veto, or enforce it accordingly! Placed at the head of the nation to preserve the Constitution, as well as execute the laws, it was certainly the duty of the President to act on his own exclusive responsibility; and it was the duty of the Secretary of State to abide by his own opinion, and to recommend the Executive to the same course, without reference to any balancing between two opinions, or any sacrifice of duty to Congress; which, after all, reduced his famous report almost to a mere petitio principii.

Mr. Jefferson, however, was destined to rise to the Presidency; and he had a pre-sentiment that the immediate

successor of Washington, presuming too far on public opinion, would cause a reaction in the people, and open the path to his ambition, and, properly regulated, it was certainly a laudable ambition. Hence his advice to Monroe, in the meantime patience,' let Washington, too colossal with the people to be touched, pass away; and then we will struggle with his successors for the victory!

Washington, having declined a re-election, and published his incomparable valedictory to the people of the United States, the two contending parties rallied with great zeal and warmth upon their separate candidates, the federalists uniting upon John Adams, and the anti-federalists upon Mr. JEFFERSON! It is well known, that under the Constitution, at that period, the highest on the return was chosen President, and the lowest became Vice President; Mr. Adams was returned for the first, and Mr. Jefferson for the second, or Vice Presidency.

It will be a matter of curiosity to know what Mr. Jefferson said upon this occasion; for we can hardly expect to ascertain what he thought, though we may conjecture without much deviation from the truth; and it will also be matter of instructive curiosity, to ascertain how he conducted himself on this occasion.. His first letter was addressed to his successful competitor, rejoicing in his victory!

"DEAR SIR,

TO JOHN. ADAMS.

Monticello, Dec. 28, 1796. The public, and the public papers, have been much occupied lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other.* I confidently trust we have felt less of it ourselves! In the retired canton where I live, we know little of what is passing. Our last information from Philadelphia is of the 16th inst. At that date the issue of the late election seems not to have been known as a matter of fact.. With me, however, its issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility of your losing a single vote north of the Delaware; and even if you should lose that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you would get enough south of it to make your election sure. I never, for a single moment, expected any other issue, and though I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true,

* Mr. Jefferson prided himself in this opposition to the "Monarchists and Monocrats."

I

that I never wished any other.* My neighbours, as my compurgators, could aver this fact, as seeing my occupations and my attachment to them. It is possible, indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends, tools for defeating their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you; and my inclinations put me out of his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warmer birth below it, encircled with the society of my neighbours, friends, and fellow labourers of the earth, rather than with spies and sycophants. Still, I shall value highly the share may have had in the late vote, as a measure of the share I hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of view, a few votes less are but little sensible, while a few more would have been in their effect very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. And never since the day you signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast. I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war, which will destroy our agriculture, commerce and credit. If you do, the glory will be all your own. And that your administration may be filled with glory and happiness to yourself, and advantage to us, is the sincere prayer of one, who, though in the course of our voyage, various little incidents have happened, or been contrived, to separate us, yet retains for you the solid esteem of the times when we were working for our independence, and sentiments of sincere respect and attachment.

TH. JEFFERSON.

It is

The reader will ask for no comment on this letter. altogether unworthy of a great mind; and yet such was the weakness of the man who had a head to contrive a.government for an empire, but wanted the moral courage to be true even to his own party, when addressing the victorious chief of that, to him, detested faction, the monarchical Anglomen!

* Here Mr. J. for want of a little moral courage, in which he was much deficient, makes a positive declaration of treachery to his own party! He then favoured the success of "Monarchists and Mono. crats."

I now turn to a letter written by him to James Madison, which throws a new light over the variable complexion of this extraordinary politician, and singular philosopher; and which so materially contributes to make up one of the most accomplished disciples of the great Florentine politician, that perhaps will ever flourish in this country.

"TO JAMES MADISON.

DEAR SIR, Yours of December 19, is safely received. I never entertained a doubt of the event of the election. I knew that the eastern troops were trained in the schools of their town meetings, to sacrifice little differences of opinion to the solid advantages of operating in phalanx; and that the more free and moral agency of the other States would fully supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed, that the vote would have approached so near an equality. It is difficult to obtain full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more solid unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any man short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of the second.* No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And the second is the only office in the world about which I cannot decide in my own mind whether I would rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the general of to-day should be a common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being placed in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his junior in our civil government. I had written him the enclosed letter before the receipt of yours. I had intended it

* When Mr. Jefferson had ascertained that he had missed the Presidency, he seems to have set himself religiously at work, to convince every body that he not only did not expect it, but he was sure he could not obtain it-that he rejoiced in his miscarriage, and thought it misfortune enough to be oppressed with the VICE-PRESIDENCY!!!