exist, but it is difficult to conceive how any impartial mind could have imagined that it was possible to exist. Although I am willing to concede to Washington, therefore, as much applause as he could justly lay claim to, for the military arrangements of the expedition into Canada, yet, as it respects the political elements of the design, as far as they implicate the character of the statesman for policy, knowledge, judgment, and a correct appreciation of all the comprehensive relations involved in it—it must be admitted to detract in some measure from his civic character, and to impair the aggregate of that greatness, which belongs to inherent fame, apart from the splendour of military glory.

It may be said, however, that Congress, by adopting the scheme, made it their own, and so far exonerated the General from all censure due to a project, which aimed at such colossal ends, by such pigmy and disproportionate means. But this cannot well be admitted; for it was the habit of Congress to adopt all his suggestions, according to the pledge of adhesion which it had originally given to him, when it invested him with the absolute and unlimited powers of a military Dictator-powers justified by the crisis, and indispensable to the triumphant issue of the struggle between the Colonies and the Monarchy. It was, too, peculiarly incumbent upon Washington, to restrain, rather than excite, to enterprises of such stupendous magnitude; for, to him was practically known the insufficiency and feebleness of the military material of the United Colonies, as well as their deficiency in the great sinew of war, money! -and had he expressed his dissent from the enterprise, no doubt can exist that it would never have been attempted.

It was more unfortunate, however, in its leaving the colonies naked of the means of vigorous defence, as it expended resources, which, at home, would have proved infinitely more advantageous than abroad, even had complete victory attended the Canada expedition. And when we reflect, that all the troops engaged in that disastrous campaign, underwent hardships, and endured sufferings, as well as achieved romantic deeds of heroic courage, never surpassed, if equalled-we cannot but express our astonishment and regret, at the wanton temerity of an enterprise, which gave occasion to such brilliant displays of heroism, and involved such terrible consequences of defeat.

Anticipating an attack upon New York by the forces of

General Howe, which had evacuated Boston, Washington hastened from that place with the main body of his army towards the Hudson; and having reached New York on the 14th of April, he directed all his energy and resources to prepare for the reception of the enemy, and prevent his occupation of so important a post; to guard against which, he omitted no precaution of defence, which military genius, or the resources of the colonies, could furnish or suggest.

But here, as on all other occasions, the deficiency of the material of the troops, in respect to muskets and bayonets, presented serious impediments to his efficient operations. The want of magazines, clothing, tents, ammunition, and arms, was truly lamentable. A loyal and tory population, too, not only in the city, but about the surrounding country, added to his difficulties, increased his embarrassments, and frustrated his designs. This disaffection to the American cause had risen to so great a head, as to take the shape of a conspiracy to seize and deliver up Washington himself to the royal government. In this plot even some of the general's guards were implicated through the arts, intrigues and corruption of the royal governor, Tryon, and the mayor of the city. That it failed, was rather to be ascribed to good fortune, than any defect in the plot, or penetration in the intended victim. Some of those who were guilty were executed. A similar conspiracy having been exploded at Albany, those concerned likewise suffered the penalty of

death.

The Congress of 1775 had adjourned under sanguine expectations, that the disputes existing between the Colonies and Great Britain, would speedily be adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. But this hope was entirely dissipated by the speech of the King to Parliament; while the proceedings of the latter evinced a disposition the most remote from that which would have prevailed had a temper of justice and conciliation predominated in their councils. On the contrary, an inflexible resolution to subdue the colonies by the sword, was manifested by increased and immense preparations to prosecute with success, the ensuing campaign; evincing not only an implacable animosity in the tory administration, but a vindictive thirst of revenge in the English people. Fully appreciating the importance of these hostile movements, the colonies were not backward in making vigorous preparations to repulse the legions that

were now to be poured upon them: and it will ever redound to the glory of Washington, that, keeping his eye upon the movements of the mother country, he now pressed upon Congress, in his letters to that body, the necessity of adopting measures which would enable him, at the head of the army, to protect the country from the ravages and devastation of the expected foe. It is to be regretted that Congress, from the want of experience and judgment, did not comply with his requisitions to that extent which was essential to the consummation of the object aimed at.

It cannot be thought irrelevant to the life of Washington, to here advert to the progress which the public mind was now making towards the great work of National Independence; which had heretofore been merged in the minor object of obtaining redress of grievances. Anterior to the year 1776, an absolute horror was generally expressed, whenever the idea of a separation of the colonies from Great Britain had been hinted, accompanied by an avowal of anxious desire to re-establish the union and harmony which had always subsisted between the mother country and America. Since blood had been shed, however, between the contending parties, an opposite sentiment had gradually supplanted the desire of a renewal of political connection with Great Britain. To feel affection-to profess allegiance to desire to cultivate amity with a monarch whose armies were desolating our country, giving our homes to the fire-brand, our families to the sword, and our all that made life valuable, to the rapacity of a band of mercenary soldiers; at the same time that we were attempting to avert the blow, or retaliate the injury, was not only impossible, but unnatural and absurd. It was in the nature of the human heart to revolt from a power, which thus sought to afflict, crush and vanquish us; and to desire never again to hold communion with the bloody and oppressive authors of our wrongs and sufferings. Still, on the other hand, powerful prejudices existed, to draw back the people to their ancient allegiance, and customary form of government. Education, habit, all the associations of the mind, and many of the affections of family ties, had implanted a deep love of the British government and nation in the hearts of the Americans, and made them averse to thinking of a final and lasting separation from the mother country. Even as late as June 1775, Congress issued a proclamation for a

dom."

fast, assigning as one of the reasons for its recommendation, to "beseech the Almighty to bless our Rightful Sovereign, King George the Third, and inspire him with wisThese prejudices in favour of remaining under the British government now rapidly wore away; and an increased love and admiration of Republican principles, coupled with the desire of Independence, began to take root in the minds of the people, especially that portion of them who had no ties of aristocratical distinction, official pomp, or family pride, to rend asunder by the separation; and whose mediocrity of fortune placed them beyond the dread which operated on the minds of the more opulent and powerful members of society. To this class of citizens, too, the public journals of the colonies, now began to open their columns in favour of independence. To these followed pamphlets and essays; among which stood in bold and prominent relief, distinguished for its eloquence, patriotism, and energy, the COMMON SENSE of Thomas Paine; which, combining great force of language and power of argument, with an irresistible array of facts and principles, too obvious to be denied, and too reasonable to be confuted, carried conviction to every mind, at the same time that they enlisted the most ardent feelings in the cause of liberty and independence; agitating the calm and temperate with a glowing love of country, and infusing irresistible enthusiasm into the bosom of the ardent champions of the Rights of Man. He boldly attacked with triumphant ridicule, and resistless argument, the whole fabric of the British Constitution, which had so long been held in idolatrous veneration as the paragon of political wisdom; and at the same time demonstrated a longer continuance of a connection with England, to be as impracticable as it was absurd, dangerous, and inconsistent. Lucid in his style, forcible in his diction, and happy in his illustrations, he threw the charms of poetry over the statue of Reason, and made converts to liberty, as if a power of fascination presided over his pen. Universally read, warmly applauded, and promptly responded to, this pamphlet daily won crowds of zealous converts to the rational doctrine of American Independence. It was now perceived and acknowledged, that a reconciliation with England was now impracticable; and the opinions of PAINE soon became the opinions of a large majority of the people, who coincided in his principles, adopted his views, and embraced his doctrines,

It is not the purpose of this biography to enter into a full discussion, or a minute review of the question of independence: but we may here remark, that the writings of Thomas Paine have been admitted to have had more influence in the accomplishment of the separation of the colonies from the mother country, than any other cause; and that prejudice, arising from a secret attachment to the British constitution, could alone have operated to withhold from his name and memory, that lustre and renown, which always gathers in clustering glory round the brows of those worthies, who in times of peril, espouse the rights of the people; and amidst the frowns, thunders, and tempests of despotism, denounce the tyranny of kings, and satirise into derision and contempt, the pomp of thrones and the pride of monarchs.

To the genius of Thomas Paine, as a popular writer, and to that of George Washington, as a prudent, skilful and consummate general, are the American people indebted for their rights, liberties and independence. The high opinion of Paine, entertained by Washington, and publicly expressed by the latter, sheds fresh lustre on the incomparable merits of the great leader of the army of the revolution.

It was under an impression in part produced by the powerful writings of Paine, that Congress, on the 6th of May, 1776, passed a resolution recommending to the Colonies to adopt separate and independent governments; and from that time they assumed the character and attitude of SoVEREIGN STATES, presenting the sublime and imposing spectacle of a free and enlightened people framing their own systems of government in virtue of their inalienable rights, and inherent sovereignty, and reducing to the certainty of written constitutions the boundaries of power and the popular fountains of authority.

Representative democracies were adopted by the different states, with two branches of legislative and one of executive power, limited in most of the states by declarations of rights, and declared in all to emanate from the sole spring of power, the sovereign rights of the people.

From this commencement, the step was short to the Declaration of Independence of the United States.

On the 29th of June, 1776, General Howe arrived off Sandy Hook, with the British army from Halifax, where he had wintered his troops, and had waited for reinforcements; and on the 3d and 4th of July he effected a landing