missioners for regulating the frontier; and a week later General Sutzo, Commander-in-Chief of the Greek army, M. Zenopulos, SecretaryGeneral to the Ministry of the Interior, and Major Colocoronis, were appointed the Greek commissioners for the same purpose. News having been received at Athens from Constantinople that, notwithstanding the understood determination of the Porte not to cede the district of Janina, the Greek Government was desirous of consolidating friendly relations with Turkey, and would not ask the mediation of the Powers, the newspapers of Athens condemned the adoption of such an attitude, and stated that, if the Government were to yield on the question of Janina, its course would be universally disapproved."

The whole year was marked by events of stirring interest in Crete, which, although they were in large part of a peaceful character, showed the strong and constant desire of the people of the island to become part of an independent Greek nation. In January the National Assembly which had been organized and was sitting, after an engagement between the Turks and the Christians, declared that the Ottoman Government was overthrown, and proclaimed the annexation of the island to Greece. A messenger was sent to Russia to present an address to the Czar, congratulating him upon the Russian victories, and entreating him not to forget Crete at the con-. clusion of peace. It was reported in March that the insurgents had accepted an armistice proposed by the Turks, the terms of which stipulated that the Turks should be confined to the towns, while the Christians should remain unmolested in the open country. In May the British consul at Canea informed the insurgent leaders that the Porte had decided to grant the Cretans an amnesty, and promised them a better form of government provided the insurgents would lay down their arms. The leaders of the insurrection, in reply, demanded an armistice, declaring that they considered the acceptance of an amnesty as equivalent to submission, and strongly urged the union of the island with Greece. Hostilities were resumed in various districts during June. The British consul at Canea promised the Assembly that England would protect the rights of Crete. He also pointed out that the Porte had proposed reforms and a provisional Cretan administration. About a month later the National Assembly sent a note to the consul soliciting the mediation of England to obtain autonomy for the island, in conformity with the desires of the population. Failing to obtain this, the Cretans were understood to be resolved to continue their resistance to Turkish rule. Hobart Pasha, who visited the European states during the latter part of the summer on a mission which was supposed to be partly official, wrote a letter before leaving London for Constantinople, reviewing the whole situation in the East, in which he said

of Crete: "I know that island well, and the aspirations of its inhabitants. I am convinced that the people of Crete do not want annexation to Greece; it is the restless committee of ambitious Hellenes in Athens who cry out for it, not the Cretans." At about the same time the representatives of the Cretan National Assembly proposed that the Porte should grant to the people of the island administrative autonomy with civil and political equality, and that the Assembly should be authorized to make laws which it would be beyond the power of the Sultan to modify. Mukhtar Pasha, on the other hand, offered them civil equality, the plébiscite, and the establishment of a police force and gendarmerie composed jointly of Mohammedans and Christians. These proposals were rejected by the Cretans. Afterward deeming the concessions offered by Mukhtar Pasha worthless, the Assembly instructed the Cretan representatives at Constantinople to discontinue the negotiations, and sent a protest to the foreign consuls at Canea declining to pursue the negotiations with Mukhtar Pasha. A week later an official telegram from Canea stated that a definitive arrangement had been signed between the Turkish authorities and the Cretans, by which the questions at issue were finally settled. This arrangement was confirmed by the Porte, with some slight modifications; a telegram was sent by the Porte to Mukhtar Pasha, thanking him for pacifying the island; and congratulations were presented to him by the Christian and Mussulman inhabitants. Alexander Caratheodori Pasha, first plenipotentiary at the Congress of Berlin, and afterward Minister of Public Works, was appointed Governor-General of Crete, and the British Colonel Maurice Fawcett was intrusted with the organization of the gendarmerie.

The Greek Government has for several years had the charge of the normal department of the schools of Dr. Hill, of the American Episcopal Church. It has within the past year established a normal school at Athens, to be under the charge of a Greek principal with two professors; and a circular has been sent out to the local authorities advising them to select candidates for admission to the school, with free tuition. The University of Athens has schools of theology, law, medicine, and phi losophy, with 88 professors and 1,652 students.

GREEK CHURCH. The territorial changes made in the map of Europe by the Berlin Congress (see EUROPE) considerably affect the states in which the Greek Church embraces a majority or a large portion of the population. Two states professing the Greek Oriental religion which were heretofore dependencies of Turkey-Roumania and Servia-have been added to the list of the independent states of Europe, and both have received an increase of territory and population. A new state in which the Greek religion will prevail has been formed -Bulgaria-which, though it will pay for the

ment of Massachusetts Infantry, afterward the 1st regiment of heavy artillery. In 1862, while stationed with his regiment at Fairfax, Va., he was recalled and assigned by General McClellan to the command of the artillery brigade of General Whipple's division. His brigade consisted of the 14th Massachusetts Infantry, 2d New York Artillery, 16th Maine Infantry, and 1st battery Independent Wisconsin Artillery. On October 11, 1862, he resigned his commission, returned to Boston, and about a year and a half before his death went to England. He was a member of the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention in 1853, was active in labor and reform movements, and, being zealous for freedom of speech, was instrumental in securing for Mrs. Victoria C. Woodhull a hearing in Boston. He was a fine mathematician, and was versed in Hebrew literature and in Hebrew and Egyptian antiquities. In Freemasonry he had taken the 33 degrees of the Ancient and Accepted Rite, taking the earlier degrees in France. Among his published works are Socialistic, Communistic, and Financial Fragments," "The ory of the Calculus," "Explanation of the Theory of the Calculus,' "Transcendentalism," "The Facts of Consciousness and the Philosophy of Mr. Herbert Spencer," and several publications relating to Freemasonry, the most important being "The Blazing Star."

GREVY, FRANÇOIS JULES PAUL, President of the French National Assembly from 1871 to 1873, President of the Chamber of Deputies in 1876 and 1878, and President of the Republic in 1879, was born at Mont-sous-Vaudrey in the department of the Jura, August 15, 1813. His family were middle-class people, in easy circumstances, living on a small estate, and attached by feeling and tradition to the republican cause. He began his studies when ten years old, at the College of Poligny, continued them at Besançon, and finished them at Paris. He was still at the Lyceum, being seventeen years old, when the revolution of 1830 broke out, and took no part in that movement, although it has been erroneously stated that he was engaged in it. He continued his studies in the faculty of law, and was enrolled in 1837 as an advocate in the Royal Court of Paris. The effect of his studies and his associations was to confirm him in the republican principles which he had inherited; but he did not take an active part in politics. In 1839 he, as advocate, defended the prisoners Philipot and Quignot, accomplices of Barbès. The finished qualities of his addresses early brought him into notice as an orator. At the period of the revolution of 1848 he had acquired the confidence of the Republican party as a man of ability and sound discretion, who could be relied upon. The Provisional Government of 1848 appointed him Commissioner for the Republic in the department of the Jura. The electors of the Jura, without his solicitation, sent him to the capital at the head of their list of delegates to the National Constituent Assembly.

Whether as Commissioner of the Republic or as Deputy, his motto, which he was accustomed to repeat frequently, was: "Politics is only a kind of business; it is of supreme importance, but should always be treated like other business, with the same rectitude and the same simplicity of means." In the Assembly he advocated the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and opposed the extension of the state of siege over the deliberations upon the Constitution of the Republic, but failed to carry the body with him on either measure. His name as a member of this body is most closely associated with the proposition of the so-called Grévy amendment, a measure especially defining the tenure of the Presidential office. The Constitution, following the model of that of the United States, declared that the President of the Republic should hold his office for a definite term of four years M. Grévy apprehended that the operation of this system among a people so attached to personal government as the French had been would be dangerous, and offered the following instead: "The chief of the executive power is elected by the Assembly. He takes the title of President of the Council of Ministers; he is elected for an unlimited time; he is always removable; he names and removes the ministers." In his speech supporting his amendment, he foreshadowed the danger of the republic being overthrown. But he was supported by only 168 members against 643. Another constitutional question was discussed in the reports which M. Grévy made in January, 1849, as a member of committees on the project which was known as the proposition Rateau. This measure provided that the Legislative Assembly should be called to meet March 19, 1849, and the powers of the Constituent Assembly should cease on the same day; till then, the latter body should be occupied principally with the electoral law and the law relative to the Council of State. M. Grévy's reports undertook to show that the Constituent Assembly had been called for a specific object to constitute the republic, and that it would be untrue to its duty if it suffered itself to be dissolved without perfecting its task. As a body, its business was to go on with its work without reference to the result of the recent elections, which concerned another function of government, with which the present body had nothing to do. These views were sustained by a majority of only six_votes in the Assembly. From this time M. Grévy opposed steadily all the measures which led up to the establishment of the empire. He denounced the appointment of M. Changarnier as commander both of the National Guard and of the army of Paris, as a violation of the law. of 1834, which intended to keep these offices separate, and as threatening to the liberty of the nation, and declared that the peril of the republic lay no longer in popular tumults, but in coups d'état. In a speech against the press law, made in the National Assembly in May,

1849, he charged the reactionary party with being the cause of all the disorders with which the nation had been afflicted and of the popular discontent which broke out periodically, because they used all the power they could gain to prevent the people from obtaining that which they were striving for, and which alone would make them contented, liberty, and he said to the ministers: "Always the same contempt for the law, for the right, for principle; still the example of the same retractions. It

is the fallen government which has brought France gradually to the condition in which we see it, and you still attach yourselves to its errors. You do not comprehend that at the point which France has now reached it is impossible to govern it except by liberty. You are applying to it again the system of repression which it has broken over so often! You are beginning again the task of your predecessors; you are taking your turn to roll up the stone till it falls back and crushes you!" Another speech which he made in this Assembly was in opposition to the law upon the state of siege, of which he declared the operation would be to establish a military dictatorship.

M. Grévy was arrested, with other prominent Republicans, on the night of the coup d'état, December 2, 1851, and was confined for some time in the state prison at Mazas. He afterward returned to the practice of his profession. An election taking place in 1868 to fill a vacancy in the Corps Législatif from the department of the Jura, his old constituents returned him by a vote of 22,000 against 10,000 for his Imperialist opponent. A few months later, at the general elections of 1869, he was reelected by a vote which was almost unanimous. His most important effort in this body was an argument against the plébiscite, in which, after having spoken to show that that method of taking a popular vote tended to supplant legitimate legislative authority and to deprive the people of the power of the initiative, he closed with the words: "Puerile work! You believe you can shut up a great people in your little combinations. You believe you can stop the march of progress, and chain a nation to a constitution. Has not the example of those who have preceded you in this impossible attempt instructed you? The people, in their turn, will break away all your restraints, as they have broken away others, till they arrive at last, through all the revolutions of which you reopen the career, at the form of government of modern peoples, the democratic form-the only one which is appropriate to our social state; the only one which is possible and durable; the only one, finally, in which it is possible to find the order, the liberty, the repose, and the prosperity of which they have so great need."

M. Grévy's conduct in the revolution of the 4th of September, 1870, was marked by a cautious deliberation. Desiring the erection of a genuine republic, he believed that this object

ought to be accomplished through a regular process and under legal forms, and not through a mere popular manifestation, which he thought would fail to secure to it respect from its creators or consideration abroad. Urgency had been voted upon the proposition of M. Jules Favre and M. Thiers for a decree declaring the empire fallen, instituting a governmental commission, and ordering the immediate convocation of a legislative assembly; and the subject had been referred to a special committee. The committee agreed to report back the propositions in substance but in different form, and sent a deputation, of whom M. Grévy was one, to the Hôtel de Ville to announce their decision to the Government of the National Defense, which had already established itself there. The deputation did not succeed in inducing this Government to surrender its popular title for one derived from the Assembly, but M. Grévy believed that his friends of the Government had committed a mistake. He returned to the department of the Jura, but came twice to Paris to urge the convocation and election of the Assembly, feeling that in postponing this measure the Government was playing into the hands of the reactionary parties.

M. Grévy was chosen to represent the department of the Jura in the National Assembly which met at Bordeaux, and on the 16th of February, 1871, was chosen President of that body, receiving 519 votes. At the same sitting of the Assembly, he brought forward, with M. Dufaure and five other of his fellow deputies, the proposition for the organization of the executive in the following terins: "M. Thiers is appointed chief of the executive power of the French Republic. He will exercise his functions under the control of the National Assembly, in conjunction with the ministers whom he shall choose and over whom he shall preside." The period of his presidency in the Assembly was marked by continued accessions of strength to the ranks of the reactionists, so that, although he was chosen President nine times in succession, he was elected each time by a smaller number of votes. On the 1st of April, 1873, a scene occurred in which the Duke de Gramont characterized a remark made by a member of the Republican Left as an impertinence. The President called the speaker to order, but the Right protested against his ruling, and confusion ensued. The President declared the session adjourned and left his seat. At the opening of the next day's session M. Grévy's resignation as President of the Assembly was read. A new election was held immediately, and M. Grévy was chosen again by a vote of 349 to 231 for M. Buffet. He refused to accept the offer, declaring that the reasons which had induced him to resign his functions would not permit him to resume them. These reasons, privately expressed, were understood to be that the monarchist factions were gaining the ascendancy in the Assembly, and he, a Republican, would not consent to cover their

plots in any way with his patronage and his presidential direction. If the return of royalty had to be proclaimed, he desired at least that the unwelcome announcement should be made from some other lips than his. In the beginning of November, 1873, he published a pamphlet, "Le Gouvernement Nécessaire," in which he unfolded his views regarding the form of government most suited to the wants of the nation. Remarking upon the unique historical circumstance that eight governments had been destroyed within eighty years by violent revolutions, he inquired for the cause of the phenomenon, and found it in the fact that France had within eighty years become a democracy, but during all that time had not been able to constitute itself democratically; that, instead of giving the democracy the only institution which it could support, the leaders had persisted in building up against it, for the purpose of holding it back, governments from which it was banished, weak dikes which could last no longer than till the democratic wave could rise and break over them. It was necessary to organize a government suited to the social state to which time had brought the nation, under penalty, if this was not done, of rolling in revolution after revolution to the bottom. No choice was offered of roads of escape from the region of storms. Any restoration of the monarchy would only be a pause between two tempests: by the way of the republic only could the haven be found.

On the 20th of November the project was introduced into the Assembly for creating the Septennat, under which Marshal MacMahon was named President of the Republic for the term of seven years. M. Grévy opposed this as a measure exceeding the functions of the Assembly, and which would be after all only a prolongation of the provisional. He declined to associate himself in the vote on the constitution of February 25, 1875, because, although the definite organization of the republic was destined to grow out of it, it had its origin in the illegal prorogation of the powers of Marshal MacMahon; but the Government having been established under it, he gave it his recognition. He offered himself again to the electors of the Jura as their deputy, and was returned almost unanimously. In the new Assembly of March, 1876, he was elected provisional President, receiving 414 votes, and afterward permanent President, for which office he received 462 votes out of 468. He served till the 25th of June, when the Assembly was dissolved by the decree of the Marshal-President.

When M. Thiers died, in September, 1877, M. Grévy was generally mentioned as the fittest successor to that statesman in the leadership of the Republican party, and as the most suitable person to succeed Marshal MacMahon in case there should be a change in the office of President of the Republic. He was one of the speakers at the funeral of M. Thiers, and

referred especially in his address to the manner in which the views of that gentleman respecting the government best adapted to the country had been changed, and to the service he had rendered in inspiring confidence in the republic. "Let us set ourselves," said M. Grévy, in the conclusion of his address, "to show, like him, that the republic is a government of order, peace, and liberty-the only conservative government in our country and time, because it is the only one adapted to our interests and social condition." M. Grévy was again returned to the Chamber of Deputies at the elections in the fall of 1877, and was again chosen President of the Chamber at its opening in November. Marshal MacMahon having accepted the voice of the people as expressed in the election of deputies, and having announced his resolution to govern in accord with the Chambers, M. Grévy regarded it as his duty to support his government, and discountenanced all intrigues to displace him. When the Marshal resigned the office of President on the 30th of January, 1879, there was no question as to who should be his successor. Public opinion turned at once to M. Grévy; and his election, which took place on the same day by a vote of 536 to 99 for General Chanzy, was only the announcement of what was a foregone conclusion. As the resignation of the Marshal took place on account of an honest difference with the Chambers on an important political measure, and could not be regarded as in any sense the result of an intrigue, M. Grévy had no hesitation in accepting the office to which he was called.

GUATEMALA (REPÚBLICA DE GUATEMALA), one of the five independent States of Central America, extending from 13° 50' to 18° 15' north latitude, and from 88° 14' to 93° 12' west longitude. It is bounded on the north by the Mexican State of Chiapas, on the east by British Honduras and the Caribbean Sea, on the south by the republics of Honduras and San Salvador, and on the southwest by the Pacific Ocean. During the past year a convention was signed between President Barrios and the representative of Mexico for the appointment of a Commission of Engineers to fix the boundary line between the two countries. The commission was to be composed of twelve engineers, six to be named by each of the contracting parties, and meet in Tapachula within at least two months after the ratification of the convention—that is to say, about November 1st. For the sake of convenience, the boundary line was to be divided into two sections, one from the Pacific coast to the Cerro Izbul, and the other from the Cerro Izbul to the Atlantic. The present line was to be followed as far as known, and in the disputed sections the whole adjacent districts were to be examined for the purpose of establishing what should appear to be the natural dividing line. From the date of the signing of the contract to the conclusion of the work on the first