consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am happy to find in their indulgence and long experienced confidence, every encouragement to offer my opinion. A coöperation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, my views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored with the choice of Congress to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. successful war, too, might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the United States so circumstanced for the present as to render a war too expensive for them and too dangerous to their commerce? Convinced as I am that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty and love for them, not to indulge my ambition further than a neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling; all which being consistent with treaties gives no ground of complaint. Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does not hinder the French Colonies from being supplied with all their wants. Privateering itself, if under French colors, does no harm; and so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both nations, at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would wish at least it was delayed as long as possible, and postponed for obvious reasons to the last campaign. It is to be confessed that France might lay some claims on more decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation of affairs in America, I have reasons to believe she would not hurry her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping neutrality. But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the restoration of the forts, and perhaps the navigation of the Mississippi, two points to which I confess I could never submit to the idea of giving up. The one is ours* by the laws of nations, the other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add, that either * It must be remembered that in these letters General La Fayette always speaks of himself as an American. VOL. V.-28 concession would be inconsistent with the character of the United States. Mr. Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken respecting the commerce between this kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been terminated in time for the departure of Count de Mourtier, a gentleman whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and approbation of Congress. We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at Philadelphia as an event which, being engrafted in the present dispositions of the people, will probably add a lustre and a proper weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and while it insures internal happiness and prosperity, will baffle the insidious wishes, and annhilate the absurd reports of her enemies. The next month is the appointed time for the sessions of all Provincial Assemblies, an establishment which will be productive of the best consequences. The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any principles of vanity or self-sufficiency; but to the gratitude so well grounded, and the zeal which shall ever rank me among the most devoted servants of the United States. With every sentiment of personal attachment and regard, I have the honor to be, &c., LA FAYETTE. As early as September 27th, 1779, JOHN ADAMS was appointed by Congress Minister Plenipotentiary for negociating a treaty of peace and commerce with Great Britain, whenever that Power should be prepared to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and enter into a treaty. Mr. Adams went to Europe on this mission; but as no opportunity occurred for putting it into execution, he received another appointment as Minister to Holland. Mean time Congress, on the 14th of June, 1781, annulled Mr. Adams's first commission for negociating a treaty, and associated with him four other persons for this purpose, namely, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY, HENRY Laurens, and THOMAS JEFFERSON. To these five Commissioners, or to a majority of them, or any one of them alone in case accident prevented the presence of the others, was assigned the power of making a treaty of peace with such Commissioners as should be appointed for the same object on the part of the English Court. RICHARD OSWALD was the British Commissioner. He went to Paris in the spring of 1782, and commenced the negociation with Dr. Franklin, who was then the only one of the American Commissioners present. Mr. Jay arrived in Paris from Spain on the 23d of June, and united with Dr. Franklin in the labors of the mission. As Mr. Adams was then employed in completing a treaty with Holland, he did not join his colleagues till near the end of October. The provisional articles were signed on the 30th of November. Mr. Laurens was present at the signature of the treaty, having arrived only two days previous to that event. Mr. Jefferson did not engage in the mission. Adams, Franklin, and Jay remained in Paris after the signature of the preliminary articles, as Commissioners for making a definitive treaty. The English Government sent DAVID HARTLEY to Paris for the same purpose. Many propositions passed between the Commissioners of the respective countries; but after ten months' fruitless discussion, the definitive treaty was signed in the exact words of the provisional articles on the 3d of September, 1783. As the Commissioners corresponded singly with the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and the President of Congress during the whole period of the negociation, they wrote but few letters in concert. The records of the Commissioners, kept by their Secretary, have also been lost. Nearly all the papers which have much value have been found and arranged for the present publication, but there are yet some deficiencies. The history of the negociation can only be understood by reading carefully, in connexion with these papers and letters, the correspondence of each of the Commissioners during the same period. |