Congress will receive a definitive treaty. But upon this point, since I left Madrid, my services have not been wanting. From our Commissioners Congress will, of course, receive better information. This one object I must, however, mention, which respects American debts. As soon as I knew the wishes of Congress, I did, as I ever shall in such a case, earnestly apply to the French Ministry and the American Commissioners. But I was answered that it could not be done, and did not even consist with the powers of the British Ministry. After which, and at that time of the negociation, I had no means to improve the hint I had received from your Excellency.

As to mercantile affairs in France, Mr. Barclay will acquaint Congress with their present situation. Bayonne and Dunkirk having been pointed out as American free ports, and the opinion of Congress not being known, I took upon myself to represent the harbor of L'Orient as preferable to either of those abovementioned. It has lately been made a free port; and I now wish the affair of Bayonne may be again taken up. Those three ports, with Marseilles, would make a very proper chain, and, in the meanwhile, I hope L'Orient will prove agreeable to the American merchants.

There now exist in this kingdom many obstacles to trade, which I hope, by little and little, will be eradicated, and from the great national advantages of this country over England, it will of course result that a French trade, generally speaking, must prove more beneficial to America. Upon many articles of American produce I wish preference may be obtained from this Government, and besides commercial benefits in Europe, your Excellency feels that West India arrangements cannot easily be adjusted with European notions and at the present costs. Upon those objects, Mr. Barclay has had, and again will have, conferences with the Ministers. Circumstanced as we now are, he is, and the Commissioners also are of opinion that my presence in France may be serviceable. As he was pleased to apply to me on the subject, saying he would mention the matter to Congress, and as their orders which I was to expect have not yet reached me, I think it my present duty, and it ever shall be my rule, to do that in which I hope to serve the United States.

Warlike preparations are still going on in the eastward. Immediately after she had signed a commercial treaty with the Turks, it pleased the Empress of Russia to seize upon the Crimea under a frivolous pretence. Her armies are ready to take the field, stores

and troops have been collected upon the borders of the Black sea, and the Turks are making immense, but I think not very formidable, preparations. By our last accounts, the Austrians were gathering upon those borders, which lead towards an invasion of Turkish Provinces; and it is thought by many that for fear of the plague, the two Imperial Powers will prefer winter operations. How far matters may be carried or compromised, cannot yet be well determined. What part France, Prussia, and England will take, is not yet known. The Levant trade cannot but be interested in the affair.

In every American concern, sir, my motives are so pure, my sentiments so candid, my attachments so warm and so long experienced, that from me nothing, I hope, will appear intruding or improper. Upon many points lately debated, my opinions, if worth a remark, are well and generally known. But I must frankly add, that the effect which some late transactions have upon European minds cannot but make me uneasy. In the difficulties which a patriotic and deserving army have met with, Europeans have been misled to conceive a want of public gratitude. In the opinions that have from every quarter been stated, Europeans have also mistaken partial notions for a want of disposition to the Federal Union ; and, without that union, sir, the United States cannot preserve that dignity, that vigor, that power, which insures the glory and the happiness of a great, liberal, and independent nation. Nay, it would be ill fate to us, who have worked, fought, and bled in this cause, to see the United States a prey to the snares of European politics. But I am only mentioning the opinions of men on this side of the water, and in my heart, I hope every thing will be adjusted to the satisfaction of that part of the citizens who have served in the army, and that other part in the civil line, who, during the war, have sympathised with their troops. I, above every other earthly wish, most fervently pray that the enemies of liberty, or such as are jealous of America, may not have the pleasure to see us deviate from the principles of the Federal Union. And upon a recollection of my introductory apology, I hope the observations I humbly offer will be as kindly received as they are respectfully and affectionately presented.

When it is thought my presence here can be dispensed with, or in case the situation of affairs should persuade me it were more useful in America, I will not delay to join a wished-for and beloved land.

Any orders or commands whatever which Congress may be pleased to give me I shall most cheerfully obey; and as every moment in my life is devoted to the love and respect of the United States, so will it ever be my happiness to serve them.

With every sentiment of an affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c., LA FAYETTE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, December 26th, 1783.

Sir,

Having received no commands from Congress by the last packet, I must, however, trespass upon their time to give them a few hints respecting American commerce. I have, of course, directed them to Mr. Morris; and although Dr. Franklin (the other Ministers being in England) will give you political intelligence, I cannot help adding that, by a refined piece of cunning, the King of England has got Mr. Fox out of the Ministry. After having entangled him by a success in the House of Commons, he found means to stop him short in the House of Lords, in consequence of which Mr. Fox has been dismissed. Mr. Pitt, and the last of the Temples called in, and the new Administration, (Lord North being also out,) necessitates the calling of a new Parliament.

The affairs between Russia and the Ottoman Empire are still negociating, and although, in my opinion, a war cannot be much deferred in that quarter, there is no probability of its taking place so soon as next summer. The Emperor is in Italy, upon which some say he has also got an eye, and there he will meet with the King of Sweden. There is no change in the French Ministry since M. de Calonne has succeeded to M. de Omillon, and Baron de Breteuil to M. Amelot, both of whom are more sensible than their prede

cessors.

Unless I have some commands from Congress to execute in Europe, I shall in the spring embark for America, and present them with the personal homage of one whose happiness is to feel himself forever a zealous member in the service of the United States.

With the utmost regard and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be, &c., LA FAYETTE.

TO JOHN JAY, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, November 25th, 1784.

Although I hope in a few days to have the pleasure of seeing you, I must beg leave to mention a matter which has not a little hurt my feelings. You probably know that on my way, passing through New York, and particularly on my visit to Albany, it was intimated my presence at the Indian treaty would be of some use to the public. At Fort Schuyler I was desired to speak to the Indians, which I did, and the Commissioners had the papers filled up with their other transactions. But copies were taken, which was thought then a matter of no consequence. The enclosed letter from Mr. St. John, and the gazette that accompanied it, will show you that from the most obliging and humble motives in the world, he attempted to translate and print such incorrect parts of the relation as he had been able to coine at. Had his kind intentions only given him an instant to reflect, he might have seen the impropriety of that measure, but, in the meanwhile, it looks as if it had my consent; and such deviation is it from the manner in which our servants of the United States ever did business, that out of respect for Congress, for the Commissioners, and myself, I could not rest easy until the matter should be fully explained. Enclosed is my letter to the French Consul, which, after you have taken out such extracts as you think proper, I beg you will seal up and send by the bearer. Indeed, my dear sir, upon your friendship I depend to have this little circumstance officially laid before Congress, and should these letters be worth their reading, it will be, I hope, a satisfactory explanation of the affair.

In the first days of next month I shall have the pleasure to meet you at Trenton, and at that time will have the opportunity of conversing with you on several subjects. No answer from you ever came to hand.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

LA FAYETTE.

Dear Sir,

TO JOHN JAY.

Versailles, February 8th, 1785.

After thirty days passage, I was safely landed at Brest, and am

so lately arrived in Paris, that I had better refer you to your Minis

terial intelligence. In consequence of Austrian demands upon the Dutch, and the gun these have fired at forty thousand men were sent to the Low Countries by the Emperor, and a second division was in motion the same way, when France gave orders for two armies to be got in readiness, the one, probably, in Flanders, and the other in Alsace. Holland is gathering some troops, the greater number purchased in Germany, and will have, at the utmost, thirty thousand men in the field. Count de Maillebois, an old and able French general, has been demanded by them. Russia seems friendly to the Emperor; and although the Stadtholder is a friend to the King of Prussia, while the patriots are wholly attached to France, yet Prussia will, no doubt, side in politics with France, and the Stadtholder will command his own country's troops.

A grand plan is spoken of, whereby the Emperor would endeavor to obtain Bavaria, and, in return, give the Low Countries to the Palatine House; a bargain which betters and increases the Imperial forces. Under these circumstances, negociations cannot but be very interesting. Although the freedom of Holland and the protection of the German Princes are very proper objects for France to support, yet a war with the Emperor must be peculiarly disagreeable to the Court. It will certainly be avoided, if consistent with the liberties of Holland, with faith, and dignity; and, upon the whole, I am strongly of opinion that no war will take place, at least for this year. The appearance of things, however, is still warlike enough to have made it proper for me to be arrived at the time I did; an idea, I confess, the more necessary for the situation of my mind, as I most heartily lamented the shortness of this visit to America, and the obligation I had been under to give up favorite plans and break off more agreeable arrangements. The officers of the regiments under marching orders, colonels excepted, have joined their corps. But I hope matters will be compromised; and such, at least, is my private opinion; but even they, who know more than I do on the subject, would, perhaps, find it difficult to form a precise one.

The Ministers of Congress will, no doubt, inform you of the situation of their negociations in Europe. You will have seen M. de Castine's compliance with engagements. He had taken a letter to me, which Mr. Morris laid before Congress. Nothing new was granted, and although the suspended decisions about flour and sugars were favorable to them, the French merchants have complained of