acquainted with the departure of this vessel, has no doubt communicated very important intelligence. Mahon has been taken rather sooner than was expected; the siege of Gibraltar is going on, and some do not consider it impossible that it should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. The taking of St. Kitts was felt in England; the more so as Sir Samuel Hood had given great expectations of preserving the island.

There is a great deal of confusion in England, which their late resolutions clearly prove; many think the loss of the majority is a finesse of Lord North; but from later advices it appears there will be a change of Ministers. The Opposition members do not agree together, and none of them are true friends to America; none of them are wishing for independence; they want to make the best bargain they can, either with France at the expense of America, or by satisfying America at the cheapest rate. By Mr. Adams's letters I find Holland is about acknowledging American independence, as far as it will neither cost them blood nor money; but at this period I think it important to obtain such a political advantage.

I beg you will please to communicate the contents of my letter to Congress, as I do not enter into any particulars with the President. Accept the assurance of the high esteem and most affectionate sentiments with which I am, &c.,

LA FAYETTE.

P. S. Since writing the above we have just got certain intelligence that Lord North has left his place. It is generally believed he will be replaced by Lord Rockingham.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

St. Germain, June 25th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is needless for me to enter into such details as will of course be communicated to Congress by the Minister. Dr. Franklin will doubtless be very particular. But as Congress have been pleased to order that I should give my opinion, I now have the honor to tell you what I think upon the several transactions that have lately taken place.

Before the change of Ministry the old Administration had sent

people to feel the pulse of the French Court and of the American Ministers. They had reasons to be convinced that neither of the two could be deceived into separate arrangements that would break the union and make both their enemies weaker. In the meanwhile a cabal was going on against the old Ministry. New appointments took place, and it is not known how far Lord North would have gone towards a general negociation.

It had ever been the plan of the opposition to become masters of the Cabinet. But while every one of them united against the Ministry, they committed this strange blunder, never to think what would become of them after their views had been fulfilled. They even made Ministers, and upon the same day they did not know how to divide the prey; upon the second they perceived that they had different interests and different principles to support; upon the third they were intriguing against each other. And now the British Ministry are so much divided, that nothing but their disputes can account for their indecision in public affairs.

The Marquis of Rockingham has nothing of a Minister but the parade of levees and a busy appearance. He is led by Mr. Burke. He is also upon the best terms with Charles Fox. The principles of the latter every body knows. That party it appears is on one side of the Administration.

The Duke of Grafton and Lord Camden think it their interest to support Lord Shelburne, whom, however, they inwardly dislike. The Earl of Shelburne seems to have by far the greater share in the King's confidence. He is intriguing, and upon a pretence to follow Lord Chatham's opinions, he makes himself agreeable to the King by opposing American independence. He is, they say, a faithless man, wishing for a continuation of the war, by which he hopes to raise his own importance; and should the Rockingham party fall, should Lord Shelburne be found to divide power with another party, he is not far, it is said, from uniting with Lord North and many others in the old Administration.

The King stands alone, hating every one of his Ministers, grieving at every measure that combats his disposition, and wishing for the moment when the present Ministry, having lost their popularity, will give way to those whom he has been obliged to abandon for a time.

Such is the position in which they stand, and I am going to relate the measures they have taken towards negociation.

It appears Lord Shelburne on the one hand, and Charles Fox on the other, went upon the plan which Lord North had adopted, to make some private advances, but they neither communicated their measures to each other, nor said at first any thing of it in the Cabinet. Count de Vergennes said that France could never think to enter into a treaty but in concurrence with her allies, and upon being told that America herself did not so much insist upon asking for independence, he answered, "people need not ask for what they have got." Mr. Adams in Holland, and Dr. Franklin in Paris, made such answers as were consistent with the dignity of the United States. But they, as well as Count de Vergennes, expressed a sincere desire for peace upon liberal and generous terms.

From the very beginning Mr. Adams has been persuaded that the British Ministry were not sincere that the greater part of them were equally against America as any in the old Administration, and that all those negociations were not much to be depended upon. His judgment of this affair has been confirmed by the events; though at present the negociation has put on a better outward appear

ance.

Dr. Franklin's pen is better able than mine can be to give you all the particulars through which Mr. Grenville, a young man of some rank, is now remaining in Paris, with powers to treat with his Most Christian Majesty, and all other Princes or States now at war with Great Britain.

I shall only remark, that in late conversations with Count de Vergennes, Mr. Grenville has considered the acknowledgment of independence as a matter not to be made a question of, but to be at once and previously declared. But upon Count de Vergennes's writing down Mr. Grenville's words to have them signed by him, the gentleman, instead of this expression, "the King of England has resolved at once to acknowledge," &c., insisted to have the words is disposed made use of in what he intended to be considered as his official communication. He has also evinced a backwardness in giving Dr. Franklin a copy of his powers; and their Ministry are so backward also in bringing before Parliament a bill respecting American independence, that it does not show a great disposition. towards a peace, the preliminaries of which must be an acknowledgment of America as a separate and independent nation.

It is probable that within these two days Dr. Franklin had some

communication with Mr. Grenville which may throw some light upon the late points I have just now mentioned.

Mr. Jay is arrived from Madrid. Mr. Laurens, it seems, intends to return home. Mr. Adams's presence in Holland is for the moment necessary. A few days will make us better acquainted with the views of Great Britain; and since the Ministers from Congress have thought that I ought for the service of America to remain here some time longer, I shall, under their direction, devote myself to promote the interests of the United States. The footing I am upon at this Court enables me sometimes to go greater lengths than could be done by a foreigner. But unless an immediate earnest negociation, which I am far from hoping, renders my services very useful, I will beg leave to return to my labors, and be employed in a shorter way to ensure the end of this business than can be found in political dissertation.

I have communicated the opinion of Mr. Adams such as I found it in his letter. Dr. Franklin's ideas will be presented by himself, and also those of Mr. Jay, both of which must be preferable to mine, though I do not believe they much differ. But from what I have collected from communications with your Ministers, with those of the French, and by private intelligence, I conclude—

1st. That the British Ministry are at variance between themselves, embarrassed upon the conduct they ought to hold, and not firm in their principles and their places.

2dly. That negociations will go on shortly, establish principles, and facilitate a treaty; but that the King of England and some of the Ministers have not lost the idea of breaking the union between France and the United States.

3dly. That the situation of England, want of men and money, and the efforts France is about to make, will reduce the former to a necessity for making peace before the end of next spring.

America will no doubt exert herself and send back every emissary to her Plenipotentiaries here; for the Ministry in England are now deceiving the people with the hope that is going of the same

to operate a reconciliation, and with many his

nature.

In the course of this affair we have been perfectly satisfied with the French Ministry. They have proved candid and moderate. Mr. Jay will write about Spain. Very little is to be said of her, and by

her very little is to be done. It appears Holland is going on well, and I believe Mr. Adams is satisfied, except upon the affair of money, which is the difficult point, and goes on very slowly.

By all I can see I judge that, if America insists on a share in the fisheries, she will obtain it by the general treaty. This point is too near my heart to permit me not to mention it.

The news of Count de Grasse's defeat has been very much felt in France, and the whole nation was made truly unhappy by this disagreeable event. The general cry of the people was such that I do not believe any French Admiral will, in any case, take upon himself to surrender his own ship. The people at large have perhaps been too severe, and Government have not pronounced, as there is to be a court-martial. But I was happy to see a patriotic spirit diffused through every individual. The States of several Provinces, the great cities, and a number of different associations of men, have offered ships-of-the-line to a greater number than have been lost. In the meanwhile, Government are using the greatest activity, and this has given a spur to the national exertions. But, independent of the stroke in itself, I have been sighing upon the ruin of the plans I had proposed towards a useful coöperation upon the coasts of America. My schemes have been made almost impracticable, and my voyage (the case of negociations excepted) has not been so serviceable to the public as I had good reasons to expect.

The Spaniards are going at last to besiege Gibraltar. The Count d'Artois, the King of France's brother, and the Duc de Bourbon, a Prince of the blood, are just setting out to serve there as volunteers. They intend to begin in the first days of September; so that we may expect, one way or other, to get rid of that encumbrance, and let the siege succeed or miscarry, we may expect hereafter to make use of the combined forces of the House of Bourbon.

We are waiting for intelligence from the East Indies, where it appears we have got a superiority, and are entitled to expect good news from that quarter. The enemy had some despatches by land, but either our operations are of a later date, or they only have published a part of their intelligence.

Paris, June 29th. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay will acquaint you with Count de Vergennes's answer to Mr. Grenville, and also with what Mr. Grenville has said respecting the enabling act. This act, and also the answer to Count de Vergennes, are every day expected