country, and in particular of foreign succor, could be considered a means of drawing on a war on the part of those against whom it is found necessary to defend ourselves, in making use of said means to all lawful purposes; and as if we ought for this reason to decline the said offer of assistance, unless her Imperial Majesty of Russia, beside her said magnanimous plan of reëstablishing the liberty of the seas, will also engage with the other neutral Powers to guaranty to this nation all its possessions fixed and immovable, both in and out of Europe. That the Lords Constituents will only remark, that in order that such an attack on the fixed and immovable possessions of the Republic may appear likely, it would be necessary, at least, to allege some plausible reasons or pretexts to defend it, in the eyes of all Europe, from the most manifest injustice and violence; whereas it is clear that such hostilities could not have any foundation on a protection of commerce to which their High Mightinesses find themselves absolutely forced by the open violation of the treaty of commerce concluded with England in 1674; that thus the probability of an attack of this sort, seeing the manifest injustice of such an enterprise, must vanish; and this especially if we consider the great number of enemies that England has drawn upon her, and that it would be madness to increase the number; that such being the case, the said suppositions are of too small weight, and too far removed from all probability, to refuse the means which are offered of protecting the commerce of the subjects of the State, and that to refuse an aid so powerful, while it is not in a condition to protect its commerce by its own unaided forces, will be evidently to renounce all protection possible, while the burdensome imposts under which commerce, in expectation of some protection, has a long time groaned, and still groans, would, against all reason, remain in their rigor. That, in addition to this, the Lords Constituents will remark further, that it appears by the successive despatches of M. de Swart to their High Mightinesses on this affair, that he insists strongly on hastening the business, and on sending, the sooner the better, necessary instructions for this purpose, after the example of Sweden, who has already instructed her Minister to conclude the said convention. That this is the more necessary, because we know that all sorts of indirect means are set to work to deprive the Republic of the advantage of an alliance so beneficial, and to involve it in a war with France. From this it is clear that such pernicious views will be accomplished, if not only they put off the completion of the convention, but, also, as is but too apparent, if they evade it altogether by making her Imperial Majesty of Russia propositions of guaranty, which not only are entirely foreign to the plan which this Princess has laid before the eyes of Europe, but which her Majesty, in the explanations she has given, has roundly declared she would never listen to. In fine, that the Lords Constituents are of opinion that it is necessary to satisfy the wishes of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, by making the declaration in question on the part of their High Mightinesses to the belligerent Powers, and by assuring her Majesty that as soon as said convention shall be signed, their High Mightinesses will make the said declaration to the Courts of the belligerent Powers. Meantime, the committee referred thereon to the better advice of the honorable Council. On which, having deliberated, and the voices having been taken, the Burgomasters and Counsellors thanked the committee for the trouble they had taken, and agreed to the above advice. A. VAN HINGELANDT. JAMES LOVELL TO C. W. F. DUMAS. Philadelphia, July 10th, 1780. Sir, I know not how I can profess all the regard which I feel for you without appearing, on the one hand, to do it upon slight grounds, or, on the other, to have delayed it too long. I have been steadily in Congress, without once visiting my family in Boston, since January, 1777, and from May, that year, have been a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs; consequently, I am well informed of your truly republican spirit, your particular affection for these States, and your industry in their service, most of your numerous letters, down to December 30th, 1779, having come to hand. The honorable gentleman who will deliver this, being also a member of Congress, has a just esteem for you, and promises himself much advantage from an opportunity of conversing with you. Mr. Searle is well able to make a due return of the benefits from the fund of his intimacy with American State affairs, his extensive commercial knowledge, and his science of mankind gained by former travels. I shall shortly write to you again by another respectable gentleman of our Assembly, and I will use every means to make him the bearer of what you have so rightfully solicited, as a faithful first correspondent of our Committec, from whom you will, probably, have regular official letters under a new arrangement of á secretaryship, which has been vacant from the days of a confusion excited by an indiscreet and illiberal publication here on the 5th of December, 1778, and which you have read with grief. In the mean time, I hope you will receive kindly this individual testimony of cordial friendship, from, sir, your very humble servant, JAMES LOVELL. Sir, TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, July 15th, 1780. Since my last of the 21st of May, nothing has passed of much interest in the Assemblies of this Province to deserve repetition. I send an account of all that passes to Dr. Franklin, at Paris, almost every post. The fitting out of ships of the Republic for convoy goes on slowly, and the resolutions in this respect, and for the negociations with Russia, drag equally slow. The English party, led by the English Ambassador, and by another person who leads the majority here, continue to perplex, delay, and cross every thing; and he who is at the head of all follows their impulses. In a word, the English intrigue more here than in all Europe besides. The difficulties they excite in Germany, and foment on the subject of the coadjutor of Munster and Cologne, are intended to embarrass this Republic, and hinder it from being successfully occupied in the reëstablishment of its navy. It was in agitation to make choice of a Prince of Austria for coadjutor, and, of consequence, for future Elector of Cologne. The King of Prussia is opposed to it, and France also. England, in the name of Hanover, favored the views of the House of Austria. This may kindle a war in Germany. The protest here annexed of the minority in the Chapter of Mun ster is a paper as important as it is well done. I received it in German and translated it, and while I am writing this, a copy of it is making. I have nothing more to add, except that a body of ten thousand Prussians, quartered in Westphalia, have orders to hold themselves ready to march to Munster on the first signal. The misfortune of Charleston has animated the courage of the Anglomanes here, and filled our friends with consternation. I do my best to encourage them, and I succeed. In spite of the intrigues of the English, they will gain nothing important here, because there must be unanimity in the resolutions for war or peace. I have the honor to be, &c., DUMAS. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Sir, The Hague, July 22d, 1780. As every thing is here in the activity of summer, nothing new has occurred. The States of the Province of Holland do not assemble till the 26th of this month. It is to be wished that we may soon receive news from America, which will raise again the courage of the friends of the United States, to whom the misfortune of Charleston has caused much pain, in proportion as it has reanimated those who favor your enemies. The latter, in the mean time, forge and utter every day rumors injurious to the United States, such as that they are about to submit. "The Congress," say they, "is disunited and ready to dissolve; the southern Provinces successively yield, and they flatter themselves in England that those in the north will follow their example." The King himself flatters his Parliament with this idea. I can, for the present, only oppose patience to all this, and keep myself mostly out of sight; for they look on me as a lost man, and one who will be soon abandoned by America herself. Besides, my feeble health, which has not been able to resist this shock and a concurrence of many others, forces me to this inaction for a time. Two Plenipotentiaries depart hence to regulate, at Petersburgh, with the Empress of Russia, the armed neutrality. The Court of Denmark has followed the example of Russia, in making the same declarations to the other Powers. It appears that the affair of Munster will not trouble the peace of Germany. This election must be made the 16th of next month, and, probably, the Archduke will be coadjutor. July 24th. The sudden declaration of Denmark, unforeseen by all the world, much embarrasses those here who hope to see the armed neutrality fail. Amsterdam has protested against sending Plenipotentiaries to Petersburgh, to whom embarrassing instructions have been given. She wishes, with reason, that they would be content simply to send full powers to M. de Swart, Resident of the Republic at Petersburgh, with orders to conform to the resolution of their High Mightinesses, which is positive and clear on the accession to said armed neutrality. It is expected that Sweden will make, on the first opportunity, a like declaration. Then the opposition will not be able to force the Republic to recede without making themselves odious. We hope by the next post, among other things, to receive good news from the combined fleet of the Count de Guichen and Don Solano; as also from M. de Ternay, and from the continent. I have the honor to be, &c., DUMAS. WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO C. W. F. DUMAS. Madrid, July 24th, 1780. Dear Sir, I confess myself very remiss in not answering your favor of the 21st ultimo sooner. The removal of the Court from Aranjues to this city, and a bilious disorder which has oppressed me more than a month, and which still afflicts me, have in part been the reason. I have no news to communicate to you which can console you for our late misfortunes; I can assure you, however, that they do not deject me. Per aspera ad astra. Heaven does not intend to exempt us from the adversities which have befallen other nations who struggled |