To come next to America, should time and necessity oblige her to look abroad for money. In the present state of affairs, it is not probable that a loan is practicable. But should success so attend our arms that it should appear evident that we are likely to support our independence, or should either France or Spain acknowledge our independence, in either of these cases I believe we might have money, and when it was seen that we were punctual in our first payments of the interest, we should have as much as we pleased. The nature of the security, or the fund for the payment of interest, I have not been able to imagine. But, observing in a letter to Mr. Dearethart, it was the writer's opinion that the honorable Congress did not wish to circulate too much paper, for fear of depreciating its value, I thought that bills issued similar to those in circulation in the Provinces, and lodged in a public bank in Europe, might be accepted as a pledge or deposit for money borrowed by the United States. I beg pardon for the crudity of the idea, and would not have mentioned it here, but that, having hinted at it in general conversation, people thought it might, on a future occasion, be adopted.

You will please to observe, that everything here mentioned came from an individual who, only as such, avowed himself interested for his country's fate, and for its benefit sought information. Notwithstanding the rise of stocks, occasioned by our misfortune on Long Island, the Dutch are selling out, and my strongest representations have not been wanting to contribute a mite to this circumstance. The price of our product is great. Rice sells for twenty-five shillings sterling per cwt., and tobacco for eight stivers and four per pound. You have been threatened that the Ukraine would supply Europe with tobacco. It must be long before that time can arrive. I have seen some of the tobacco leaf, and the best of it is worse than the worst of our ground leaf. Four hundred thousand pounds have been sent here this year. The Russian Ambassador said at the Baron le Guerre's, Ambassador from Sweden, where I had the honor to dine, that Russia soon would be able to supply the market with that article. In this he spoke more like an Ambassador than as a merchant. I took occasion, in reply, to observe that, if that was the case, and on many other accounts, it was the interest of her Majesty that all intercourse between Great Britain and America should be broken off, for that then the former would be dependent

on Russia for all those articles which hitherto the latter had supplied her with.

Having expressed a desire of knowing these reasons at large, with the assistance of M. D , and the approbation of Mr. Deane, I purpose giving in a little memoir on the subject, which the Ambassador assures me shall be sent to St. Petersburgh. Not being so sanguine as to think that it will prevent Russia from supplying England with troops, should the other demand them, but it may give a secret dilatoriness to their assistance, which may finally operate in our favor.

If it should be determined to send any cargoes of tobacco here on the public account, it will perhaps be thought proper to convoy them. The frigates destined to that service might retaliate the injuries we have received by the destruction of Falmouth and Norfolk, by destroying the towns and shipping of Greenock and the port of Glasgow, or Ayre and Cambleton. I have been particularly informed of the situation of those places until the present moment. They have no batteries to protect, or soldiers to defend them, or quartered near enough in any numbers to be assembled for that purpose, and not a vessel-of-war on the whole coast larger than a tender, to receive men for the sea service. Their rendezvous might be the entrance of the northern channel, where, while they waited a junction, in case they should be separated, they might take the outward bound ships, and by the information obtained from them, insure their success. In returning, a party landed on the Isle of Bute, might destroy the house of that favorite. Little objects strike most forcibly little minds. This affair completed, which would alarm Britain and astonish Europe, the ships trading to the Baltic, with cargoes not only that suit, but are necessary for our Provinces, might be their next object. This ought all to be done in the months of March, April, and May. The destruction of the Greenland fishery might be the last object of the expedition. I am confident, that not having a distrust of such attempts, the success would be more certain. Should there be a necessity of seeking shelter or refreshments, I have it from the Swedish Ambassador here, that we shall find both in their ports. I only hinted to him that it was possible some of our adventurers might explore those seas in search of plunder.

This is the rough outline of a plan, which the honorable Congress

may, should it in any shape be approved, digest into form. I would stake my life on the success of the greatest part of it, if inviolable secrecy is preserved, and the execution is trusted to persons who have not only wealth but glory in view. If prompted by a heated and indignant imagination, this plan should appear dangerous and impracticable, I hope it will be imputed to the desire of retorting our injuries on that country, which has in some measure been the cause, and is at present endeavoring, with the rancor of private animosity, to accumulate our distress. I entreated Mr. Deane to propose some part of it to the consideration of Congress some time ago, and I have the pleasure to find his opinion corresponds with my own on the subject.

The resentment which it is said the honorable Congress have shown on the conduct of the King of Portugal towards us, has been attended with a very good effect, and should a manifesto be published by that honorable body, hinting only the necessity of taking similar measures with all those who denied them the common rights of mankind, I am persuaded it would be to our advantage. It was the dread of such a blow to their trade that was one of the strongest arguments made use of by the merchants of this country in their petition to the States. I need not mention to you any thing respecting what is like to take place in Europe another year, for of that ere this, you, I hope, have information. I will only say, that the greater part contemplates with pleasure the gloomy prospect for England; there is not an Envoy of the most petty State in Italy but exults at it. The want of intelligence from America hurts the cause prodigiously in Europe, and the anxiety of those who have its interest at heart is from that circumstance inconceivable I hope I need not offer assurances to convince the honorable Congress of the zeal with which I wish to serve them. To be directed by that honorable body in what manner to do it most effectually will be the happiest circumstance of my life.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

P. S. I cannot seal this letter without recommending Colonel Prevet, should the fortune of war put him into our hands, to all the indulgence, to himself and family, his situation will possibly admit of. Mr. Grand, his wife's father, an eminent merchant here,

animated with that love of liberty which distinguishes his country, (Switzerland,) offers all the services in his power to the public, and a thousand civilities to its individuals. If by the same fortune Mr. Dowdswell, of the first regiment of guards, should fall into our hands, his father's merits and his own reluctance will give him the same indulgence.

Since I wrote the above, Mr. Grand has assured me, that should the honorable Congress determine to negociate loans in Europe, and would draw bills, accepted by the principal merchants in America, payable at two, three, and five years' sight, and send them to their house, they should be discounted by them at five per cent. interest. This was the manner in which money was raised for the city of Leipsic during the last war. The gentlemen of the committee will please to observe that this is to be kept very secret, for no loan can be publicly negociated here as yet. The firm of this house is Messrs. Horneca, Fizeaux & Co., and is one of the most capital in this city. Should any cargoes be consigned here on public account, perhaps it may be thought proper to address them to these gentlemen. I can assure you, gentlemen, and that from my own knowledge, that many bills remitted from America, and supposed to be drawn on account of Congress, have been refused payment by the English Ministry, knowing beforehand when they would be presented for payment, and by that means having an opportunity of bribing, threatening, or flattering the parties on whom they were drawn, either to refuse payment absolutely, or at least noting them for protest, in order to hurt the credit of our merchants in Europe. I do think that the less connexion, for this and other reasons, we have in future with houses whose principal business depends on Great Britain, the better. I beg pardon for giving my opinion thus freely, but it is the effect of my zeal.

W. C.

Sir,

TO WILLIAM BINGHAM, AT MARTINIQUE.

Paris, June 25th to July 6th, 1777.

A letter from a person unknown to you but by name, had need of a long introduction to apologize for the address, but not being a man of ceremony myself, and besides having but little time for formality,

I content myself with saying, that engaged in the same cause with yourself, I have assisted Mr. Deane since his arrival in Europe, and know intimately well our affairs abroad, their situation here, and in such Courts where it has been thought necessary to address ourselves for countenance and assistance. I have of course been no stranger to your correspondence, and have been sorry to find so punctual a correspondent should have any reason to complain of the want of punctuality in others. This is not owing to want of inclination in Mr. Deane, but to the multiplicity of business which occupies his whole time; for Mr. Lee is absent, being at Berlin, where I first broke the ice last autumn,* and the age of Dr. Franklin in some measure hinders him from taking so active a part in the drudgery of business as his great zeal and abilities would otherwise enable him to execute. He is the master to whom we children in politics all look up for counsel, and whose name is every where a passport to be well received. As I trouble you, therefore, with forwarding some letters to my friends, I wish to pay the postage by any European intelligence in my power to communicate.

I have another motive to incite me, which is, that I think your situation of singular consequence to bring on a war so necessary to assure our independence, and which the weak system of this Court seems studiously to avoid. Either from this weakness, or from a jealousy that by a precipitate interference our independence would be too soon and too formidably established, the Court shuns every thing in Europe which might appear a glaring violation of their treaties with England. This line of conduct has delayed the stores so long promised, and at last sends to Martinique what ought to have been on the continent in February at furthest. This occasioned the loss of the Seine, which was despatched half laden, that such necessary articles as tents and fusils might get early to America, the captain having positive orders to proceed thither without touching at the islands and I myself protested to the ship's owners that Mr. Deane would have no concern in the risk if on any account but stress of weather the vessel proceeded to the West Indies. As such is their miserable policy, it is our business to force on a war in spite of their inclinations to the contrary, for which purpose I see nothing so likely as fitting out privateers from the ports and islands of France.

* Mr. Carmichael's letters from Berlin, if he ever wrote any, are missing.