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gress, to whose vigilance and careful attention, the regulation, dispo. sal, and preservation of this great national inheritance, has by the People of the United States been intrusted.

Among the important subjects to which the attention of the present Congress has already been invited, and which may occupy their further and deliberate discussion, will be the provision to be made for taking the fifth census or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. The constitution of the United States requires that this enumera. tion should be made within every term of ten years, and the date from which the last enumeration commenced was the first Monday of August of the year 1820. The laws under which the former enumerations were taken, were enacted at the session of congress immediately preceding the operation. But considerable inconveniencies were experienced from the delay of legis. lation to so late a period. That law, like those of the preceding enumerations, directed that the census should be taken by the marshals of the several districts and territories, under instructions from the secretary of state. The prepa. ration and transmission to the marshals of those instructions, required more time than was then allowed be. tween the passage of the law and the day when the enumeration was to commence. The term of six months, limited for the returns of the marshals, was also found even then too short; and must be more so now, when an additional population of at least three millions must be presented upon the returns. As they are to be made at the short session of congress, it would, as well as from other considerations, be

more convenient to commence the enumeration from an earlier period of the year than the first of August. The most favourable season would be the Spring. On a review of the former enumerations, it will be found that the plan for taking every census has contained improvements upon that of its predecessor. The last is still susceptible of much im. provement. The third census was the first of which any account was taken of the manufactures of the country. It was repeated at the last enumeration, but the returns in both cases were necessarily very imperfect. They must always be so, resting of course only on the communications voluntarily made by individuals interested in some of the manufacturing establishments. Yet they contained much valuable information, and may, by some supplementary provision of the law, be rendered more effec. tive. The columns of age, commencing from infancy, have hitherto been confined to a few periods, all under the number of 45 years. Important knowledge would be obtained by extending those columns, in intervals of ten years, to the utmost boundaries of human life. The labour of taking them would be a trifling addition to that already prescribed, and the result would exhibit comparative tables of lon. gevity highly interesting to the country. I deem it my duty further to observe, that much of the imperfections in the returns of the last, and perhaps the preceding enumerations, proceeded from the inade. quateness of the compensation allowed to the marshals and their assistants in taking them.

In closing this communication, it only remains for me to assure the legislature of my continued earnest

wish for the adoption of measures recommended by me heretofore, and yet to be acted on by them; and of the cordial concurence on my part in every constitutional pro

vision which may receive their sanction during the session, tending to the general welfare.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Washington, December 2, 1828.

PANAMA DOCUMENTS.

INSTRUCTIONS-GENERAL.

TO RICHARD C. ANDERSON and JOHN SERGEANT, Esqs. appointed Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States to the Congress at Panama.

Department of State, Washington, 8th May, 1826. GENTLEMEN: The relations in which the United States stand to the other American powers, and the duties, interests, and sympa. thies, which belong to those rela. tions, have determined the president to accept an invitation which has been given by the republics of Colombia, Mexico and Central America, to the United States, to send representatives to the congress at Panama. He could not, indeed, have declined an invitation proceeding from sources so highly respectable, and communicated in the most delicate and respectful manner, without subjecting the United States to the reproach of insensibility to the deepest concerns of the American hemisphere, and, perhaps, to a want of sincerity in most important declarations, solemnly made by his predecessor, in the face of the Old and the New World. In yielding, therefore, to the friendly wishes of those three republics, communicated in the notes of their respective ministers, at Washington, of which copies are herewith, the United States act in perfect

consistency with all their previous conduct and professions, in respect to the New American States. The assembling of a congress at Panama, composed of diplomatic represen. tatives from independent American nations, will form a new epoch in human affairs. The fact itself, whatever may be the issue of the conferences of such a congress, cannot fail to challenge the attention of the present generation of the civilized world, and to command that of posterity. But the hope is confidently indulged, that it will have other and stronger claims upon the regard of mankind, than any which arise out of the mere circumstance of its novelty; and that it will entitle itself to the affection and lasting gratitude of all America, by the wisdom and liberality of its principles, and by the new guaranties it may creat for the great interests which wil engage its deliberations. On a occasion so highly important and responsible, the president has beer desirous that the representation from the United States should be composed of distinguished citizens Confiding in your zeal, ability, and patriotism, by and with the advice

and consent of the senate, he has selected you for this interesting service. And it is his wish that you should proceed, with all prac. ticable despatch, to Panama. For the purpose of carrying out Mr. Sergeant, the United States ship Lexington has been prepared, and is now ready to sail from the port of New York, to Porto Bello. Mr. Anderson, having been notified of his appointment, has been directed to leave the affairs of the United State at Bogota in the charge of such person as he may, for that purpose, designate, and to join Mr. Sergeant at Porto Bello, from whence it is supposed it will be most convenient to proceed, by land across the isthmus to Panama. Ministers from several of the pow. ers have, probably by this time, reached that place, and they may even have proceeded to a compa. rison of their respective credentials, and to conferences on some of the objects of the Congress ; but it is probable they will have deferred, until your arrival, a consideration of those deliberations in which it was expected we should take part.

Your power, accompanying this letter, is joint and several, authorizing you to confer and treat with ministers, also, duly authorized, from all or any of the American powers, of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other matters interesting to the continent of America. After the mutual exchange of powers, it will be necessary to determine the forms of deliberation, and the modes of proceeding, of the Congress. It is distinctly understood by the President, that it is to be regarded, in all respects, as diplomatic, in

contradistinction to a body clothed with powers of ordinary legisla tion; that is to say, no one of the states represented is to be considered bound by any treaty, conven tion, pact, or act, to which it does not subscribe, and expressly as sent by its acting representative; and that in the instance of treaties, conventions, and pacts, they are to be returned, for final ratification, to each contracting state, according to the provisions of its particular constitution. All idea is, there. fore, excluded of binding a minority to agreements and acts contrary to its will, by the mere circumstance of a concurrence of a ma. jority of the states in those agreements and acts. Each state will, consequently, be governed and left free, according to its own sense of its particular interests. All notion is rejected of an Amphyctionic council, invested with power finally to decide controversies between the American states, or to regulate, in any respect, their conduct. Such a council might have been well enough adapted to a number of sma 1, contracted states, whose united territory would fall short of the extent of that of the smallest of the American powers. The complicated and various interests which appertain to the nations of this vast continent, cannot be safely confided to the superintendence of one legislative authority. We should almost as soon expect to see an Amphyctionic council to regulate the affairs of the whole globe. But even if it were desirable to establish such a tribunal, it is beyond the competency of the government of the United States voluntarily to assent to it, without a previous change of their actual constitution.

Although the speculation of such

a

council has been sometimes made, and associated in the public papers with the contemplated Congress, we can hardly anticipate that it will be seriously pressed by any of the powers. The Congresses which have been so common in Europe, especially within these later times, have been altogether diplomatic, and, consequently, the states whose ministers composed them, were only bound by their signatures. With this necessary and indispensable restriction upon the action of the Congress, great advantages may, nevertheless, be derived from an assembly, at the same time and place, of ministers from all the American nations. Such an assembly will afford great facilities for free and friendly conferences, for mutual and necessary explanations, and for discussing and establishing some general principles, applicable to peace and war, to commerce and navigation, with the sanction of all America. Treaties may be concluded, in the course of a few months, at such a Congress, laying the foundation of lasting amity and good neighbourhood, which it would require many years to consummate, if, indeed, they would be at all practicable, by separate and successive negotiations, conducted be. tween the several powers, at differ. ent times and places. Keeping constantly in view the essential character and object of the Con. gress, which have been described, it is not very important in what manner its conferences and discus. sions may be regulated.

Experience has, perhaps, sufficiently established, that, for precision, for safety to the negotiators themselves, and for an early prac. tical result, it is wisest to proceed

by protocol, in which the mutual propositions of the parties, together with such concise observations as any of them desire to have preserv. ed, are carefully recorded. But you are left free to agree to that mode of proceeding, with the indispensable limitation before stated, which, under all circumstances, shall appear to you most advisable. Your power conveys an authority to treat with all or any of the Nations represented at the Congress, on any of the subjects comprised in your instructions. And on those, especially, of commerce and navigation, maritime law, and neutral and belligerent rights, it is the President's wish, that, if those interests cannot be adjusted satisfactorily to all the attending Powers, you should form, nevertheless, treaties with such as may be disposed to conclude them with you. But, in the conduct of any such separate negotiations, you will carefully avoid giving any occasion of offence to those powers who may decline treating; and, if you should have strong reason to believe that the fact itself, of opening such separate negotiations, would have the tendency of creating unfriendly feelings and relations with other American Powers, you will decline entering on them altogether. You are also authorized to agree upon a transfer of the conferences from Panama to any other place on the American Continent, that may be considered more eligible for conducting them.

In now proceeding to direct your attention particularly to the instructions of the President, by which, after having settled the preliminary point to which I have just adverted, you will govern yourselves, the first observation to be made is, that, in

acceding to the invitation which has been accepted, no intention has been entertained to change the present pacific and neutral policy of the United States. On the contrary, it has been distinctly understood by the three Republics who gave the invitation, and has been enforced on our part, in all our communications with them in regard to it, that the United States would strictly adhere to that policy, and mean faithfully to perform all their neutral obligations. Whilst the existing war is limited to the present parties, it is as unnecessary as it would be unwise, in the United States, to become a belligerent. A state of things can hardly be imagined, in which they would voluntarily take part on the side of Spain; and on that of the Republics it would be entirely useless, since they have been all along able, unaided, triumphantly to maintain their cause, and to conquer the arms, if they have not overcome the obstinacy, of Spain. By maintaining the neutral position which the United States have assumed, they have been enabled to hold strong language to Europe, and successfully to check any disposition which existed there to assist Spain in the re-conquest of the Colonies. If they had departed from their neutrality, and precipitated themselves into the war, there was much reason to ap. prehend that their exertions might have been neutralized, if not overbalanced, by those of other Powers, who would have been drawn, by that rash example, into the war, in behalf of Spain. Keeping, therefore, constantly in view the settled pacific policy of the United States, and the duties which flow from their neutrality, the subjects will now be particularized, which, it is antici

pated, will engage the consideration of the Congress at Panama.

These subjects may be arranged under two general heads: 1st, Such as relate to the future prosecution of the present war with Spain, by the combined or separate operation of the American belligerents. And, 2d, Those in which all the Nations of America, whether neutral or belligerent, may have an interest.

In respect to the first, for reasons already stated, we can take no part. Discussions of them must be confined to the parties to the war. You will refrain from engaging in them. You will not be expected or desired to do so. But, whilst it has been perfectly understood that the United States could not, at the Congress, jeopard their neutrality, they may be urged to contract an alliance, offensive and defensive, on the contingency of an attempt by the Powers of Europe, commonly called the Holy Alliance, either to aid Spain to reduce the new American Republics to their ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems more conformable to the policy and views of that Alliance. Upon the supposition of such an attempt being actually made, there can be no doubt what it would be the interest and bounden duty of the United States to do. Their late Chief Magistrate solemnly declared what, in that event, he considered they ought to do. The people of the United States acquiesced in the declaration, and their present Chief Magistrate entirely concurs in it. If, indeed, the Powers of Continental Europe could have allowed themselves to engage in the war, for either of the purposes just indicated, the United States in opposing them with their whole force, would have been

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