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compose them, as these in turn are the effects of wise laws and a just administration. When the people are idle, and of course poor and wretched, the government, by a necessary consequence, is unpro. vided with resources, and its state politically weak. When the people are industrious, wealthy, and contented, the government is also rich and powerful, and the state politically strong. Under the change of circumstances which I have supposed, Spain, instead of finding it difficult to collect a revenue large enough to cover half the annual expenses, reduced to the lowest possible scale, would be one of the wealthiest governments in Europe. It is intimated by the the treasurer general, in the above extract from his report, that the supplies anciently received from the colonies amounted annually to more than a hundred and sixty millions of reals. If this sum was then the measure of their value to the crown, computed in money, it is certain that they would be worth much more in a state of independence. The immense revenue that might be derived from a free trade with the colonies, may be conjectured by observing what has actually occurred in England.

The duties collected at the custom house in Liverpool, in the year 1780, amounted to about £80,000. In the year 1823, they had risen to £1,801,402, and had thus increased more than twenty fold. It is well known that the augmentation in the trade of Liverpool has been occasioned almost entirely by the separation of the United States from England. If the receipts at the custom house at Cadiz, before the present troubles, were a hundred million reals, and we suppose

them to increase only as fast as those of Liverpool, under the influence of a much more powerful stimulating cause, (since the popu lation of the Spanish colonies is now about five times as large as was that of the United States at the close of the revolutionary war,) even on this very moderate supposition they would amount, forty years hence, to about two milliards of reals, and would present a proportionate increase during the intervening years. A single port would thus furnish a sum equal to four times the amount of the whole annual receipts of the kingdom, and twice the amount of the whole annual expenses, according to the present estimates. Such would be the effect upon one branch of the revenue, of this powerful cause, which would operate, at the same time, with corresponding vigour upon all the others. Nor would the failure of the supplies formerly received in money from the colonies be felt as a loss, since the islands, which would still remain to the crown, under a system of free trade, and liberated from the charge of defence, would furnish, of themselves, probably, a larger sum. The duties collected at the port of the Havana alone are said to amount, at present, to a hundred million reals, and would be greatly augmented by the opening of commerce with the Main.

The effect of such vast additional resources as these would soon be perceived in every branch of the government. It would show itself in the augmented majesty and splendour of the throne, in a more vigorous and steady administration of justice, in larger and more efficient military and naval establishments, and in an undoubted public

credit. The internal dissentions by which the country has been long distracted, and which have their final origin in its unfortunate economical situation, would soon dis. appear. Spain, under these new circumstances, would be quiet at home and respected abroad. Instead of being attacked by foreign. ers every ten or twenty years, she would be in a situation to exhibit her own flag, when occasion should require, on the territory of neigh. bouring and of distant nations. She would become, in short, what she was destined to be, by her geo. graphical position and great natu. ral advantages, the leading power in the south of Europe.

Such, according to the surest principles strictly applied, would be the effects resulting to Spain, in the natural progress of events, from a single wise and generous measure. The probability of their occurrence is confirmed in every point by the splendid example of England and the United States, to which I have already alluded, and which, being parallel in every im. portant circumstance, must be regarded as decisive, and deserves, of course, to be considered with great attention. It is now just half a century since the declaration of the independence of the United States, and about forty-three years since the conclusion of the peace with England. Previously to that event, the respective positions of the two parties were the same with those of Spain and her ancient colonies at present. There was the same feeling of bitterness between them, occasioned by a long period of mutual exasperation which preceded the war, and by the accidents of the war itself. England felt the same reluctance to treat with her colonies as sovereign

states that is now felt by Spain. Their loss was generally viewed as a national misfortune, and many statesmen of the day predicted, as its consequence, the immediate decline and fall of the mother country. Fifty years have since elapsed, and where is England now? Instead of being ruined by the loss of her colonies, she has exhibited, since that event, a developement of power and wealth wholly unparalleled in the history of any other country in Europe, and which seems, at first view, almost miraculous. Nay, this very loss of the colonies, from which so much mis. chief was anticipated, has proved to be a great blessing, and has been, in fact, as is now generally admitted, the principal cause of this prodigious prosperity. The rapid progress of the United States, which would never have flourished as they have done while dependent, has exercised a favourable reze tion on the mother country, and has brought with it the wonders of improvements in England, which the world has seen. This, as I have observed, is a thing generally acknowledged, and is also susceptible of proof. If we look in detail at the recent augmentation of the resources of England, we shall find that it has taken place chiefly in branches of industry unknown be fore the separation of the colonies. and growing directly out of that event. The principal of them is the manufacture of cotton. exports of England, in the year 1787, were valued at about fifteen millions sterling, and included no cotton fabrics whatever. In 1822, they were valued at about fortyfive millions sterling, including cotton fabrics to the value of more than twenty-two. The exports of a country may be considered as an

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approximative, though not direct, indication of its economical state; and, considering the increase of the exports of England, during the interval between these two periods, amounting to thirty millions, as a measure of her increase of wealth, it will appear that three fourths of it have proceeded from the establishment of this single branch of industry. Thus far, the improve. ment has been owing entirely to the independence of the United States. Before the revolution, no cotton was produced in the colo"nies, and very little was manufac. tured in England. In the year 1784, the one following the peace, the first exportation of this article took place from the United States, and consisted of eight bales, which were seized on their arrival at Liverpool, on suspicion that they were not of the growth of the country, as it was not known previously that cotton was cultivated there. The necessity of finding some agricultural product with which to furnish the parent kingdom in exchange for her manufactures, soon extended the cultivation of this plant, and in the year 1823 the number of bales of cotton imported at Liverpool from the United States amounted to 406,670. The cheapness and abundance with which, this valuable article was supplied, naturally extended the manufacture of it in England; until, after satis. fying an immense demand for home consumption, it furnished, in 1823, the prodigious quantity for expor. tation specified above. Upon every bale of cotton, thus produced in the United States, and wrought up in England, it is calculated that the profits of the labour of England are to those of the labour of the United States in the proportion of twenty Such are the respective

to one.

advantages resulting to the two parties from the intercourse that naturally grows up between a parent state and its colonies, and yet the latter have no reason to complain. The cotton planters of the United States are among the most prosperous and wealthiest classes of the community, and this branch of industry is regarded by all as of the highest national importance.

Such has been to England the value of the increased market for her products, produced by the independence of her colonies, in this single department of labour. In others, such as the woollen and iron manufactures, the encouragement afforded, if not so extensive, has been still of great consequence; and, as it is generally acknow. ledged, so it appears to be true on a close inspection, that the vast accession of wealth she has exhibited since the American revolution, is immediately attributable to that cause, and could not have taken place without it. With the increase of wealth, the population has been doubled, and the comforts of life have been diffused throughout all classes; cultivation has been extended; roads and canals constructed or improved; and the face of the country in a manner entire. ly changed. The government has found its resources augmented in the same proportion; has risen from the rank of a secondary to that of a leading European power; has sustained a war of thirty years against a most formidable combination of the continental states, attended with expenses before unheard of, to the amount, in one year, of thirteen milliards of reals; and, notwithstanding this astonishing destruction of productive capital, has still maintained its credit, and remains one of the wealthiest.

anost powerful, and most prosperous nations on the globe.

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Such, or similar to these, would be the advantages derived by Spain from the independence of her colonies. The two cases are parallel; nor can any good reason be given why the results should not be the same. It may be said, indeed, that, because Spain is at present inferior in the perfection of her fabrics to some other countries, the new demand from the colonies would direct itself towards the lat. ter, especially as commercial relations are already established with England, France, and the United States. But those who draw this conclusion have not sufficiently considered the influence of a community of origin, language, religion, and manners, in determining the intercourse among men lar predictions were made at the time, in regard to the direction which would be taken by the commerce of the United States, after their separation from England. They had received from France the most important aid in the revolutionary war; and France was at that time a nation much richer than England, not only in natural products, as she is now, but even in those of art. A close commercial relation had been established by the political alliance that existed during the war; and it was anticipated that after the peace, the trade of the United States with France would be much more considerable than that with England. No sooner, however, were the restrictions on the intercourse with the mother country removed by the conclusion of peace, than the commerce of the United States returned into the old channels from which it had

and has continued ever since to take this direction. The trade with France, notwithstanding the supe. rior advantages of it in an economical point of view, never flourished to any great extent, and the exports to that country have never been more than a fourth or fifth of those to England. In like manner, the trade of the Spanish colo. nies would immediately take the direction of Spain, as far as the agricultural and manufacturing industry of the kingdom is now capa. ble of supplying their wants; and in proportion as the resources of the peninsula were developed un. der the operation of this beneficial intercourse, the trade would continue more and more to increase, bringing with it the favourable ef fects that I have already described.

Such, my lord duke, are the grounds upon which the govern. ment of the United States have formed their opinion upon this subject, and the reasons by which they have been induced to recommend to his majesty's government the policy of a general pacification. If the facts I have stated are in any way correct, it results, from the whole, that the recovery of the colonies is impossible, either by actual force, by the effect of internal dissentions, or by the aid of foreign powers; that the continu. ance of the war is attended with great inconveniences, among which must be reckoned, at no distant period, the loss of the islands; ani that peace, besides the ordinary blessings which it always carries with it, would, in this case, administer immediate relief to the financial embarrassments of the government, and, by its ultimate consequences, restore the prosperibeen diverted for several years, ty and greatness of the kingdom.

Deeply impressed with this view of the subject, the government of the United States have considered it an act of real friendship and duty, to communicate their sentiments to his Catholic Majesty; and they cannot but hope that the communication will not be without effect. I have only to add, that the efficacy of the measure recommended, both in removing evil and in producing positive good, depends very much upon its being adopted immediately. Should the peace be delayed a single year, it will, in all probability, be too late to save the islands. Should the acknowledgment of the independence of the colonies be deferred until it becomes a mere matter of form, it can hardly be presumed that they will be willing to purchase it by any great sacrifices, and it will not, in that case, bring relief to the finances. Finally, if the trade of America is permitted to flow for too long a time in foreign channels, it is, at least, uncertain whether it will ever return to the mother country. What is to be done should, on every ac. count, be done quickly. If it should be thought by his majesty's government that the good offices of that of the United States would be of use in bringing about an accommodation on the basis indicated in the present note, they will be employed with great readiness and pleasure; and I should be truly happy to con

tribute, in any way, by my personal services, in effecting so great and benevolent an object.

Of the glorious actions achieved under the patronage of the sovereigns of Spain, predecessors of his majesty, the greatest, beyond a doubt, was the enterprise of Christopher Columbus. The discovery and settlement of an unknown world, the foundation of a brotherhood of new nations, the diffusion of the noble Castilian language and with it, of the lights of civilization and Christianity, over a whole quarter of the globe; these were the results of the enlightened policy of Ferdinand the Catholic, and his celebrated queen. It has been reserved for his present majesty to put the last finish to this great work, by a measure that shall at once confirm the prosperity of Spanish America, and restore the splendour and greatness of Spain. Seldom has it been in the power of any monarch or any government to effect, by a single act, so much good as would result from this. May God, in his providence, incline the king's heart to perform it.

I pray your excellency to submit this communication to the consideration of his majesty, and avail myself of this occasion to offer your excellency the renewed assurance of my sincere respect and esteem. A. H. EVERETT. Madrid, January 20, 1826.

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