Gambar halaman
PDF
ePub

formation of these companies of body-guards, and to strengthen the army with men still in the flower of their age, whose profession is arms, and who are languishing out of employment.

"It is even necessary to open a career for young people, who are fitted for it by the education they have received, to become soldiers; but who, having attained their twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth year, consider themselves as being then too old to run the chance of a slow promotion in the military career.

"It is with this view that we have conceived the dispositions of title two. The men called to compose the four regiments shall clothe, equip, and mount themselves at their own expense; but they have the certainty of obtaining the brevet of officers, after a campaign of twelve months, and they shall be capable of admission into the formation of the four companies of body-guards, if they shall be promoted thereto when the campaign is finished; they may even be employed in detachments of 3 or 400 men, to assist in the serviee of the empress, or that of the King of Rome. These regiments shall receive the pay of horse-chasseurs in the imperial guard. In fine, the members of the legion of honor, or their sons, if they have not a sufficient fortune to do it themselves, may be equipped and mounted at the charge of the legion. "These united advantages will, no doubt, lead the children of the members of the electoral colleges, of the departments and circles, of the municipal councils, the sons of the most respectable people in the departments and communes, and, in short, of all those who are depositories of the public authority, to inscribe themselves in these regiments: and there will be no excuse left for those idle young people who complain of having no employment open for them, and who too often give cause for reprimanding their excesses.

"Title three makes a new call for 80,000 men of the first ban, as well for recruiting the army as for forming an army of reserve; but from which are excepted such men as were married before the publication of the senatus consultum.

"This call will give soldiers of the age of from twenty-one to twenty-six years, and consequently men in their full vigour, and capable of entering into the corps as soon as they shall have received the preliminary instructions.

"The cohorts formed by the first call on this ban, have already proved what expectations we may promise ourselves from the new call proposed.

"We do not dissemble how painful this appeal must be to the last classes; but what French citizen does not feel it preferable to make a present effort to avoid making greater ones in future; and from which the same results could not be expected?

"Exclusive of this, the calls, and their fixed BOOK X. times, should be determined by arrests of the council, and those executive measures shall be CR. VIII. taken in the most proper manner, to prevent all 1813. injustice and difficulty.

"You well know, gentlemen, the spirit of foresight which always guides his majesty's designs: and thus, to prevent every kind of danger, and even of inquietude, he has deemed it necessary to organize an army of reserve, which, encamped on our frontiers, will at the same time watch for their defence, and maintain order among our allies.

"Title four renders disposable the 90,000 men of the conscription of 1814, who had been destined for the defence of our western and southern frontiers; they will form the army of reserve on the eastern frontiers, where they will fill this new destination.

"To the honor and courage of the national guard, the emperor confides the defence of the six great ports of the military marine: it is to the national guards that he confides the care of repulsing any attack of our enemies on the coasts of the empire.

"You have not forgotten, gentlemen, with what ardour the inhabitants of our coasts marched against the expedition directed to the ports of Antwerp.

"But it is necessary to direct this zeal; and what happened in 1809 has shewn how important it is to organize the service of the national guard in such parts of the empire where it may be deemed necessary.

"Those departments which are especially called upon to occur in the defence of the ports, are designated in title four.

"The national guard shall be organized in the departments, if it shall be found needful; and the companies of grenadiers and chasseurs be completed in such manner, as to present a force of from 15 to 30,000 men in every circle, effective, present, and always disposable.

"It is from the bosom of the senate, gentlemen, that his majesty will select the generals whom he will charge to preside over the organization of these companies, and to take the command of them.

"In giving the citizens such chiefs to guide them in these sentiments of honor as have so many claims on the general esteem, it was his majesty's wish to encourage the confidence of the national guards; to render their obedience more easy, and to secure to them such regard and esteem as may be consistent with the duties of the service.

"Not more than from 1,500 to 3,000 men from each circle will be put into activity; and these will be placed at those points where their services may be deemed necessary, and will be re

BOOK X. lieved every three months, in order that they may not be too long detained from their occupations CH, VIII. and business.

1813.

"The contingent of every circle shall be in readiness to march to such points as may be attacked, but will not be parted from their families, excepting in such cases, and then only for the time that the danger may exist.

"This contingent, reduced to the lowest number of 15,000 meu for each circle, will give 90,000 men; to which, when we join 20,000 gardescotes, 60,000 of the marine-troops, 20,000 workmen employed in the great ports, the local national guard, about 40,000 men in the depôts of the land army, who are within reach of the coasts, and lastly, 60,000 men of the gens-d'armes, distributed in the same arrondissement, the defeuce of our coasts will be found to be secured by upwards of 250,000 men, independent of the reserve of grenadiers and chasseurs, who are not entered in the first contingent, and which will besides amount to upwards of 120,000 men more.

"It is, nevertheless, by means of this measure, which does not call out more than one thousandth part of the population of the six arrondissements, and merely for a temporary service, that the 90,000 men of the conscription of 1814 have been rendered disposable.

“The actual situation of Europe, the necessity our enemies are under of dividing their forces in Sicily, in Portugal, and in Canada, banishes every idea of our coasts being attacked; but, however improbable an attack may seem to be, it suffices that it is not impossible to induce his majesty, in his great wisdom, not to hesitate in adopting the measures which have been proposed to you.

"By giving your sanction, gentlemen, to them, you ensure the defence of our coasts and ports: and thus, the empire will have an army of 400,000 men on the Elbe, one of 200,000 in Spain, and 200,000 men, partly on the Rhine, partly in the 32d military division, and in Italy. And it is in the view of such forces, that our enemies conceive the ridiculous idea of dismembering the empire, and to allow our departments to be given as indemnities in their political calculations.

"This struggle is the last; Europe will make a definitive situation, and the events of the winter of 1813 will, at least, have been of advantage to France, by causing her to know her friends and her foes; the extent of her own means, the devotion of the people, and their attachment to the imperial dynasty.'

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

This projet, after having been referred to a special commission, was adopted, and decreed by the senate, in the sittings of the 3d of April.

Count Boulay followed Count Defermont, and thus developed the motives of the second projet of the senatus consultum:→→

"My lords and senators.-The ninety-second article of the constitution of the month of February, in the year eight, provides against the case of weighty circumstances compromising the safety of the state in any part of the empire, and authorises the suspension of the constitutional regulations in such part.

"It is for you, gentlemen, to whom the right has been confided by the senatus consultum of the month of Thermidor, in the year 10, to pronounce such a suspension, when the proposal for so doing is made to you by government.

"We come, according to its orders, to propose to you the momentary application of this measure, in the departments of the Upper Ems, the mouths of the Weser, and the mouths of the Elbe, composing the 32d military division. The circumstances in which those departments are at this day, will appear to you more than sufficient to determine you to the adoption of this measure.

"You will recollect, gentlemen, the motives of high policy which rendered necessary the union of those countries with the empire. The orders in council issued by the British council in 1806 and 1807, had annihilated the treaty of Utrecht, destroyed the liberty of maritime commerce, and placed all the continental powers in a state of dependance on England. To her orders in council, his majesty replied by the decrees of Berlin and Milan; the object of which was to subject England to a general and absolute blockade, and to keep all her merchandizes within his borders, under sequestration. By wishing to carry off all maritime commerce, and sporting with the laws of nations, England forced him to adopt a system necessary not only to the empire, and to its allies, but likewise to all the continental powers.

"Nevertheless, and previous to his taking this resolution, his majesty made proposals to the British cabinet to recal their orders in council, to consent to a peace, and to the liberty of commerce: this proposal having been rejected, the union of the Hanseatic Towns was decreed. If we consider the interest of these departments, independently of those of the empire, what is the political existence which those interests should cause them to desire?

"To belong to Prussia?-but these people rejected the leaden yoke of the Prussian government; and that government, which could not even defend the centre of its own states, would it have been able to protect a distant frontier?

"To belong to England?-but they would then have become the theatre of all the wars of England with the continent: and they would at once have devoted themselves to the misfortune of supporting the evils of war and the uncertainty of conquest.

"To remain Hanseatic towns?-but they could no longer be independent cities, since England

1813.

no longer respects the neutrality of any flag.
The government of these cities was enabled to
subsist so long as they were surrounded by states
interested in their preservation, and because
England not having yet acquired that superiority
by sea which she so greatly abuses, it might be
for the convenience of the belligerent powers
that there should be a neutral flag. But this
being once broken, the cities could not seek pro-
tection but in the strength of a great state, which
would, sooner or later, procure them the enjoy-
ment of those advantages which their situation
offers them. The union of these departments
with France, was accompanied by proper mea-
sures for joining the Baltic to the Seine, to esta--No, no; the nation is of the same sentiments
blish an easy and safe communication between
the old and new subjects, and to blend all their
interests by combinations equally useful to both.
Thus, gentlemen, were the advantages of this
union felt by all the enlightened people of those
countries; and we soon saw a numerous deputa-
tion from the Hanseatic cities lay at the feet of
his majesty's throne the homage of their grati-
tude, their devotion, and their fidelity. All the
benefits of our political system have been com-
municated to these new departments; our codes
have been published there-our institutions have
been there realised; equitable laws, by effacing
whatever the feudal system there presented
odious and contrary to the principles of civilization
and of all good government, have there respected
all the rights of property, and the advantages of
this legislation have been generally acknowledg-
ed. Such, gentlemen, was the condition of these
countries, when the misfortune which a rigorous
and premature season occasioned to the grand
army, reanimated among our enemies those hopes
which our victories had disconcerted.

could not foresee, has dispersed a part of our vic- BOOK X.
torious army, our enemies flatter themselves that
they may, at their pleasure, dispose of our terri-, CH. VIII.
tories according to their ambition!-they believe
that they can dictate the law to us, and draw us
into a disgraceful peace.
into a disgraceful peace, Without doubt, it would
soon become necessary to burn our fleets, destroy
our docks, and reduce our navy to thirty vessels,
as they have dared to propose to us. Deprived
of our colonies, and the advantages of a maritime
commerce, we should furthermore renounce our
continental power, and suffer our manufactures
and our national industry to perish, and become,
in every respect, the servile tributaries of England!

"All kinds of intrigues have been given ear to. A new coalition is formed in the north, and Prussia, believing that she may show her hatred with impunity, has set the world the example of an odious perfidy. The coalesced, in their transactions, have ceded Norway to Sweden, and promised our Hanseatic possessions to Denmark, as an indemnification. The Danish government has rejected an arrangement, which, by despoiling it of an important part of her states, offers her nothing in return but a chimerical hope, and the certainty of an eternal war with the empire. A wise and enlightened prince has not forgotten the outrages of England: he has felt the true interest, and remained faithful to us.

with her sovereign: full of confidence in the
firmness of his character, and the resources of his
genius, she will never suffer the least attempt to
be made against the dignity of his crown; she will
deplore that it may require all his energy to re-
pulse such vain pretensions: she has already
made known her noble sentiments, and we shall
see her persevere in them with unshaken con-
stancy.

"You, gentlemen, who are the principal organs
of this generous people, you will shew yourselves
its worthy interpreters, by sanctioning the mea-
sures proposed to you. What we are especially
charged to present to you is, as we said at the
commencement, in the cases provided for by our
constitution. Since the enemy has defiled the
territory of the Hanseatic departments, since he
has excited there disorders and seditions, and that
he has there raised culpable hopes, it is evident,
that the empire of the constitutional and common
law, the exercise of which pre-supposes a regular
and peaceable state of affairs, should be there
suspended, and make way for whatever extra-
ordinary measures may be commanded by cir-
cumstances. This suspension is, however, only
for three months: every thing leads us to believe
that it will not require more than that time to
bring those departments again under perfect sub-
mission; and we have no doubt that we shall see
all the good citizens, all the enlightened people of
those countries, concur of themselves to the suc-
cess of the measures which his majesty will take
to restore there the government of order and law."

This projet, after having been referred to a special commission, was also adopted and decreed by

the senate.

At Magdeburgh, the French pretended they would stop the progress of the Russians; and, in the vicinity of that fortress. Bonaparte meant again to try the fortune of war in a general battle. Magdeburgh is considered a sort of internal Gibraltar, requiring a vast army to form the siege, and a great length of time to reduce it. The Prussian governor surrendered it without making "How!-because a tempest, which prudence any defence, after the battle of Jena, being bribed,

"Nevertheless, the enemy has approached our Hanseatic departments, and has there sown the seeds of trouble and revolt. Could be have blinded them to such a point as to persuade them that he could withdraw them from the obedience they owe to his majesty?

[ocr errors]

BOOK X. it was said, by Bonaparte; and he was convicted and disgraced for his crime, after the termination CH. VIII. of the war. The French had ever since made it their grand depôt, their place of arms and stores, 1813. and of assemblage for their forces, with a view to maintain their acquisitions, and to carry on their ulterior designs for the conquest of Russia and the entire subjugation of the North.

On the 27th of March, the following edict was issued by the King of Prussia:

66

Having found cause to withdraw ourselves from the alliance with France, we likewise deem it necessary herewith to declare, that all restraints under which commerce, even in our states, has hitherto suffered in consequence of the so denominated continental system; and the ships and goods of all friendly and neutral nations shall be freely permitted to enter our harbours and territories without any exception or difference. All French goods, either produce or manufactures, are on the contrary herewith totally prohibited, not only for use, but likewise to pass through our territories, or those occupied by our armies.

"The so denominated continental impost is taken off, and exclusive of the consumption excise to be especially paid on foreign goods entered inward by sea, for home consumption, there shall be levied the heretofore established moderate impost and transit duty, as it was previous to the establishment of the continental impost in the year 1810, which duty shall be collected on the gross weight, but only continue so long as the increased expences arising from the war carrying on for the liberation of Germany shall render it necessary.

"We give to our privy-counsellor of state and chief of the inward customs department, M. Von Heydebreck, full and uncontrouled power to make what further alterations he may see fit, in the whole of the forementioned impost, and to put them in a proper proportion; as likewise to reduce, or entirely take off, at his own judgment, the consumption excise on such articles where the collecting the full consumption excise, together with the impost duty, would fall too heavy on the home consumption.

"All our public officers, whom this matter concerns, have to pay due attention hereto. "Given at Breslau, the 20th of March, 1813.

(Signed) "FREDERIC WILLIAM. "HARDENBERG."

The following were Marshal Blucher and Count Wittgenstein's addresses to the inhabitants of Saxony.

"Buntzlau, March 13, (23.) "Saxons!-We Prussians enter your territory to offer you our fraternal hand. In the north of Europe the Lord of Hosts has held a dreadful court of justice, and the angel of death has cut

off 300,000 of those strangers by the sword, fa mine, and cold, from that earth which they, in the insolence of their prosperity, would have brought under the yoke. We march wherever the finger of the Lord directs us, to fight for the security of the ancient thrones and our national independence. With us comes a valiant people, who have boldly driven back foreign oppression, and, in the high feeling of its victories, have promised liberty to the subjugated nations. We bring to you the morning purple of a new day. The time for shaking off a detestable yoke which, during the last six years, dreadfully crushed us down, has at length arrived. A new war unluckily commenced, and still more unhappily concluded, forced upon us the peace of Tilsit; but even of the severest titles of that treaty, not one was kept with us. Every following treaty increased the hard condition of the preceding one. For this reason we have thrown off the shameful yoke, and advance to the heart-cheering combat for our liberty.

"Saxons! Ye are a noble enlightened people! You know, that without independence, all the good things of this life are, to noble minds, of little value-that subjection is the greatest disgrace. You neither can nor will bear slavery any longer-you will no longer permit a cunning and deceitful system of policy to carry its ambi tious and depraved views into effect, to demand the blood of your sons, dry up the spring of your commerce, depress your industry, destroy the liberty of your press, and turn your once happy country into the theatre of war. Already has the Vandalism of your oppressive foreigners wantonly and unmercifully destroyed your most beautiful monument of architecture, the bridge of Dresden. Rise-join us-raise the standard of insurrection against foreign oppressors, and be free!

"Your sovereign is in the power of foreigners, deprived of the freedom of determination, deploring the steps a treacherous policy forced him to take; we will no more attribute them to him, than cause you to suffer for them. We only take the provinces of your country under our care for your lord, which fortune, the superiority of our arms, and the valour of our troops, may place in our power. Supply the reasonable wants of our warriors, and, in return, expect from us the strictest discipline. Every application to me, the Prussian general, shall be opened to all oppressed persons. I will hear every com plaint, examine every charge, and severely punish every violation of discipline. Every one, even the very meanest, may with confidence approach me. I will receive him with kindness.

"The friend of German independence will, by us, be considered as our brother; the weakminded wanderer we will lead with tenderness

into the right road; but the dishonorable, despicable tool of foreign tyranny, I will pursue with the utmost rigour as an enemy to our common country. (Signed) "BLUCHER."

On the 30th of March, the Russian general of cavalry, Count Wittgenstein, arrived at Beltzic, where he took up his head-quarters and issued the following proclamation:

your

"Saxons! I enter your country, either to make war upon, or to fight in conjunction with you, for freedom and the restoration of your degraded honor. Choose! Your choice may place your crown in danger, and cause your chil dren to blush for the conduct of their fathers!

“Look and see what passes around you! -See the noble Prussians, your neighbours. The whole nation has risen in mass; in their ranks the son of the ploughman is found by the side of the prince; all difference of rank is mingled together, and disappears at the great ideas of liberty, honor, king, and country. There is no other difference of talents and of zeal in the great and sacred cause. Liberty or death! is the word which Frederick William has given, and solemnly has his whole magnanimous people sworn to conquer or fall, worthy of such a prince.

"Saxons! Germans! Our pedigrees, our family registers, close with the year 1812. The deeds of our ancestors are cancelled by the humiliation of their descendants. The restoration of Germany can alone renovate the nobility of the race, and restore it to its original splendor. "Count WITTGENSTEIN. "Head-quarters, March 31."

1

In consequence of the menaces held out by the French generals to awe the Hanoverians, the

[blocks in formation]

"By the correspondence of Generals Morand and St. Cyr, I perceived that the most severe measures are intended to be used against the inhabitants of the Hanoverian dominions, who, having been liberated by the victorious arms of his majesty the Emperor of Russia, received in his name orders to consider themselves as the subjects of their lawful sovereign, and who, by the express order of the commander of the Russian troops, were obliged to take up arms to defend themselves and their dwelling-places.

"It was not in their power to refuse compliance with these orders. A punishment equally just as severe, would have been the unavoidable consequence of their base desertion of their duty towards their sovereign; and it would undoubtedly be contrary to the laws of nations, adopted by all civilised people, should a single Hanoverian subject be considered a rebel and treated as such.I will not allow myself to suppose, that you, gentlemen, will permit such an atrocious measure to take place; but I declare to you, that in all cases I am determined to use reprisals; and that all prisoners, without exception, which are now, or hereafter may be, in my power, shall be treated with the same severity as you may show towards the inhabitants of Hanover, and that they shall be. answerable with their lives for the lives of the latter, who in taking up arms at the express command of the general of the Russians troops, only fulfilled their duty to their king and country. (Signed) "BARON VON DORNBERG,

[ocr errors]

Major-general in the service of Great "Britain, and commander of a Rus"sian and Prussian corps."

1818

CHAPTER IX.

Operations and Strength of the Allied Army for commencing the Campaign in Germany.-The Principles of the War against the French avowed.-Defeat of General Morand at Luneburg.: -Defeat of Beauharnois by the Russians.-Surrender of Czenslokaw.-Engagement near Ottensberg-Surrender of Spandau and Thorn to the Russians.-Battle at Gross Gorschen.Battle at Lutzen.-Defeat of the French before Hamburgh.-Battles of Bautzen, Weissig, and Wurstchen.-Blucher's brilliant Affair near Haynau.-The French enter Hamburgh.-An Armis-, tice.-Affair near Halberstadt.-Rupture of the Armistice.-The Emperor of Austria's Manifesto.-Victory by the Crown-prince.-Battle of Dresden.-Defeat of Vandamme.—Of Macdonald. Of Ney-Death of General Moreau.-Victories at Leipsic, &c. &c.

THE Russian force was divided into three large armies-one under Wittgenstein, a socond under

Tchitchagoff, and a third under Winzingerode; Kutusoff commanding the whole.

« SebelumnyaLanjutkan »