"War Department, Washington, Jan. 6.

"General P. H. Sheridan, New Orleans,-Your telegrams all received. The President and all of us have full confidence and thoroughly approve your course.

“WILLIAM W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War."

"To General P. H. Sheridan, New Orleans, La.,-—I telegraphed you hastily to-day, answering your despatch. You seem to fear that we shall be misled by biassed or partial statements of your acts. Be assured that the President and Cabinet confide in your wisdom and rest in the belief that all acts of yours have been and will be judicious. This I intended to say in my brief telegram.

"WILLIAM W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War." The second of these had scarcely left Washington before another sensational despatch arrived from New Orleans:"New Orleans, Jan. 6.

"Hon. W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War, Washington, D.C.,-The city is very quiet to-day. Some of the banditti made idle threats last night that they would assassinate me because I dared to tell the truth. I am not afraid, and will not be stopped from informing the Government that there are localities in this Department where the very air has been impregnated with assassination for some years.

"P. H. SHERIDAN, Lieutenant-General Commanding." Animated debates on the Louisiana situation took place in Congress. Mr. Thurman introduced a resolution into the Senate inquiring of the President his authority for the use of troops to control the Louisiana Legislature. Senator Conkling (Republican), of New York, desired the words inserted "if not incompatible with the public interest ;" and beginning with this, the debate finally covered the whole ground. Senator Thurman Senator Thurman charged unwarranted and unconstitutional interference with the organization of a State Legislature. He quoted previous cases of "dead locks" in Legislatures of a similar character to that of Louisiana, but in which Presidents had never thought of interfering. Senator Saulsbury (Democrat), of Delaware, denounced the military interference as not only unconstitutional, but revolutionary, and the act of a tyrant. The time had not yet arrived, he said, when any ambitious Cæsar could clothe himself in purple, and, in the plenitude of power, bid defiance to the American people, and should any Cæsar attempt this he would say in the name of God let the American people tear the robes from him. General Logan

(Republican), of Illinois, said that portions of the debate reminded him of utterances heard in the Senate Chamber in Secession times, when the predecessors of the Democrats now here were bidding defiance to the Government and defending acts of violence and treason. Senator Edmonds (Republican), of Vermont, said

Southern assassinations and murders must cease, and every man, no matter what his colours or opinions, must be protected in his liberty and person at all hazards and at any cost. Senator Morton (Republican), of Indiana, earnestly denounced the outrages perpetrated by the White League on unoffending coloured men. He said there were to-day more men in arms against the Government throughout the South than during the years of active rebellion, and time would show what their purpose was. Intense feeling was put into these remarks on both sides, and at this point the subject was postponed till the 6th of January. On that day the crowd was so great that hundreds could not get near the Senate Chamber, all the corridors being crowded. Senator West (Republican), of Louisiana, who had the Secretary of War and Secretary of the Treasury by his side to give him points, made a careful statement from the Administration standpoint of the events of the last few days in New Orleans. He said that there was urgent necessity for the presence of the Army in Louisiana, and that the President had done a plain duty in taking steps to preserve the peace; that the prostrated and impoverished condition of the South was not wholly attributable to political causes, but that the main reason of it was the hatred and persecution of all men whose skins were black and the ostracism of white men who refused to act with the White League. The determination of the opponents of government was to obliterate every vestige of Republicanism, to ignore every constitutional amendment, and to set at defiance every authority.

The resolution for inquiry was passed, and in reply to it the President sent a special message to the following effect:With regard to the interference of the military power in the organization proceedings of the Assembly of Louisiana, he said that lawlessness, turbulence, and bloodshed had characterized the State since its organization under the Reconstruction Act. The reduction of the Republican vote in 1868 by fraud and violence and the bloody riots in 1866-68 showed that the disorders were not due to the late action of the Federal authorities, but were a shameful and undisguised conspiracy against the Republicans. After coloured citizens had been denied registration, Mr. Kellogg sued Mr. Warmouth, requesting him to count the votes. The general relief by Federal actions was denounced, although the fifteenth amendment secured political equality for the coloured population, and the Federal judges held that the protection thus afforded extended to State and other elections, establishing the right of interference by the United States courts. After the organization of the State administration Mr. Kellogg's election was bitterly denied; but although frauds had been no doubt practised during the elections, Mr. Kellogg had more right than his competitor, Mr. McEnery. Reviewing the history of the latest convulsions, the President referred to the proceedings of Mr. McEnery in forcibly displacing the nominees of Mr. Kellogg, the butchery at Colfax,

and the murder at Conshatta, and quoted the charge of Judge Wood in illustration of the terrible deeds of bloodthirstiness and barbarity which the Conservative papers had justified in denouncing Federal protection as tyranny and despotism, while the Colfax miscreants were unvisited by justice. Upon representations being made of the irritating effect of their presence, the troops had been withdrawn, but at the October elections the inflammatory proclamation of Penn had necessitated the Governor's calling for protection. Before the issue of the President's proclamation to disperse within five days, the usurping Governor was in possession of the State House, and many people were killed. Respecting the interference of the military in the organization of the Legislature, the President said he was unaware of such orders prior to their being carried out; but although such interference was repugnant to the ideas of the Government, he considered that the Legislative imbroglio in Louisiana exempted the military from the charge of intentional wrong. The revolution was apparently but not really abandoned. The troops, upon the requisition of the Governor, were allowed to render aid, enforce the laws, repress violence, and prevent bloodshed, by forestalling the execution of a premeditated plan to depose Mr. Kellogg and revolutionize the Government. General Sheridan, free of party motives, and honestly convinced by what he had seen and heard, had characterized the leaders of the League in severe terms, and suggested summary modes, which, although inadmissible, would soon put an end to the troubles and disorder. The President finally asked Congress to take such action as to make his duties perfectly clear, assuring it of their full execution according to the spirit and letter of the law without fear or favour.

A Committee was appointed to investigate the state of affairs in Louisiana, and reported two resolutions: one unanimously, that Congress should recommend the Louisiana Legislature to seat the five members who were illegally deprived of their seats by the Returning Board; the other, signed by four out of the seven members of the Committee, recognizing the Kellogg Government in Louisiana. The first resolution was approved by both sides of the House, but to the other the Democrats decidedly objected. The subject was taken up, however, by the necessary two-thirds vote required to suspend the rules for the purpose, although it had a narrow escape, as there was only a margin of one vote. The resolution about the five members was then adopted without a division. The Kellogg recognition resolution was adopted by a vote of 163 to 89; almost a strict party vote.

Before the end of the session the Republicans had forced through the Senate a resolution endorsing the course pursued by the President, and soon afterwards it was announced from Louisiana that the local difficulties had come to a satisfactory arrangement, all parties having agreed to accept what is termed the " Wheeler compromise." Under this arrangement the members who were so

summarily unseated by the United States troops were restored to their places, thus making the House Democratic, but leaving the Senate Republican. On the other hand, Mr. Kellogg was to remain Governor until January 1877, and was not to be impeached for past offences. The compromise was adopted by a very large majority of the Members, and Mr. Kellogg in his message talked about forgetting the past, and advised a general combination of parties in the work of restoring the credit and prosperity of the State.

The resolution of the Senate's Committee of Foreign Affairs condemning the draught of the proposed Reciprocity Treaty with Canada, an account of which was given in our last year's history, was a fully expected termination to that affair. The scheme was, in fact, crude and ill-constructed; and when its consideration had been postponed on its first introduction eight months previously by Mr. Fisk, its doom was considered as probably sealed.

In a message to Congress early in January, the President pronounced his approval of the Bill hastily passed by that body, ordering the resumption of specie payments on the 1st of January 1879; and to ensure that result, suggested certain measures of supplementary legislation. He proposed to increase the revenue by restoring the taxes on tea and coffee, and repealing the 10 per cent. reduction of the duties on iron, steel, &c., passed in 1872. He also proposed the redemption of legal tenders at a premium for gold of 10 per cent. for this year, 7 per cent. for the second year, 5 per cent. for the third, and 2 per cent. for the fourth year, thus bringing the currency on a par with gold at the beginning of January 1879, the date fixed for the resumption of specie payments. He pointed out that the proposed reduction would insure the retention of silver, and probably prevent an excessive demand for gold. When large amounts were drawn from the Treasury an equal amount of currency would be withdrawn from circulation. This measure, by causing a sufficient stringency of the currency, would stop the outflow of coin. Such legislation, said the President, by giving the currency a fixed value, would revive business, and place the prosperity of the country on a firm basis.

There were two Bills which formed a battle field between the Republicans and Democrats during the closing session of this Congress, the "Civil Rights" Bill, and the "Force" Bill. The President and his adherents were anxious to carry both, but succeeded only as to the former. The Force Bill, in spite of their strenuous efforts, was rejected at the last moment. Both measures were particularly obnoxious to the Democrats, who fought them at every point, aided by a Republican minority. The Civil Rights Bill, which was passed by the House after nearly two weeks' conflict with the minority, and then only by a change in the rules, became a bone of contention in the Senate, and was finally passed by that body on the night of February 27th. Every amendment proposed was voted down by the majority because they did not

want it to go back to the House, as there, in the dying hours of the Session, its defeat would have been certain. It was passed by a vote of 38 to 26, all the Democrats, Liberals, and Independents, and four Republicans voting against it.

This Bill, the political measure adopted by the late Session of Congress, which was the most violently contested and caused the greatest sensation, was passed in a form very different from the measure originally framed by Senator Sumner. It was modified and toned down in many ways, and had this not been done it never could have got the President's approval. At present it refers to but four classes of matters, granting equal rights to the White and Black populations in inns, public conveyances, places of amusement, and jury service. Schools, cemeteries, churches, and a mass of other places of general business which were mentioned in the original measure are left out in this. The preamble of the Bill declares it to be "the duty of the Government in its dealings with the people to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, colour, or persuasion, religious or political." The Bill declares that all persons shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theatres, and other places of public amusement, subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and colour, regardless of any previous condition of servitude. Punishment for violation of the law is provided by fine and imprisonment, and the United States Courts are given jurisdiction of offences under it, to the exclusion of the Courts of the States. In reference to jury service, it is provided that no citizen possessing all other qualifications which are or may be prescribed by law, shall be disqualified for service as a grand or petty juror in any Court of the United States or of any State on account of race, colour, or previous condition of servitude. The negroes have for some time enjoyed practically most of these rights, which are conferred in most sections of the North. They are deprived of them, however, in the South, and hence the demand for the passage of the law.

The Force Bill was fought over in the House, and every method of delaying it resorted to for several days, and the final vote was not reached until midnight, February 27th. It was designed to give the Republicans control of the Southern elections; and was regarded as a measure looking to a "third term" for General Grant. The first attempt of the Democrats was to prevent this Bill being voted upon, as they saw that if they could stave it off to another sitting the Republican majority, not being two-thirds, would be insufficient to thrust the Bill through without debate. The question was, how this should be done. If they proposed any dilatory motions they would be beaten, and a vote would then be taken on the Bill. But they