FOREIGN HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE.

Opening of Opera House-Constitutional question-President's Message-Ministerial Crisis" Army Cadres" Bill-Election in Hautes Pyrenées-BonapartistsDebates on Constitutional Laws-M. Jules Favre-Senate Bill-Ventavon project-Laboulaye Amendment-M. Louis Blanc--Wallon Amendment passedMarshal Canrobert-Second Wallon Amendment-Differences over Senate BillPresident's announcement-Cassagnac-Wimpffen libel case-Constitutional Bills passed-New Republic of 1875 organised-Report of M. Savary on Bonapartist Committees-New Ministry-Ministerial programme-Duke d'Audiffret-Pasquier -Army Bill passed.

THE first week of the New Year witnessed a pageant in the French capital, long unused to such shows. The Grand Opera House, designed ten years previously and nearly completed under Imperial auspices, was opened on the 5th of January. There was a large concourse of foreign visitors present on the occasion, and many of the highest rank: the ex-King of Hanover, the ex-Queen of Spain, her son the young King Alphonso, and, not least in public estimation, that English functionary whom popular continental notions have invested with something of a mythical dignity, the Lord Mayor of London. The appearance of the Right Hon. David Stone in the house is thus described by an eye-witness: "At ten minutes to eight there came a great roar from the crowd. Cries of approbation and applause rose up from one end of the Boulevard, and, like a light put to a train of gunpowder, spread in a moment to the very rails of the edifice. It was the Lord Mayor's procession-magnificently lit up, surrounded by a numerous escort, and preceded by trumpeters, with the arms of the City of London-which was advancing. At a few minutes before eight the Lord Mayor, the Lady Mayoress, the two Sheriffs who accompany him, his suite, and several ladies entered the box which was reserved for them, on the right of the box occupied by the Marshal-President of the Republic. The house at this moment was nearly full. The entrance of the Lord Mayor in his magnificent dress and that of the Sheriffs in their robes excited general admiration, which was manifested by a prolonged cheer. At the same time Lord Lyons, who had just been accompanying the Lord Mayor, entered the Ambassador's box, where had already assembled Prince and Princess Hohenlohe, Ali Pasha, and Chevalier Nigra, the Italian Minister." Every

where in Paris the representative of London civic greatness was received with such distinction as is usually reserved for crowned heads. When he visited the theatre the audience rose on his entering the ex-Imperial box, which had been reserved for him, and the orchestra played "God save the Queen." The Tribunal of Commerce struck a medal in commemoration of his visit. On two occasions he dined with the President of the Republic. The Prefect of the Seine gave a banquet in his honour. After another grand banquet at Boulogne, this much respected functionary returned with his suite to England, on the 12th of January.

The various parties into which the French political world was divided were now preparing for serious business. The Constitutional question was pressing more than heretofore for a solution. The Provisional Government, however well it may have suited the exigencies of party up to this moment, could manifestly no longer be maintained with any safety to the upholders of MacMahon's Presidentship, or with any contentment to the Republicans of the Left. The Orleanists, the party who were at present most nearly identified with his rule, and whose views were mainly represented by the Right Centre, desired of all things the creation of a Senate, a Second Chamber which during the existence of the Septennate should be able to keep the Assembly in check, to stop the enactment of unwelcome laws, to keep the machinery of administration in safe hands, and to take the reins of government at any revolutionary crisis. With regard to the other pressing question, that of the transmission of the powers now held by the Head of the State, in case of his death or at the natural expiration of his term of office, the Right Centre would have been content to leave matters in a vague condition, hoping in their hearts that something might turn up in favour of the Comte de Paris and a united monarchical party. But such a result was just what the Left wanted to prevent, and the negotiations which had been carried on between the two Centres during the latter days of 1874 had made shipwreck on this point.

Marshal MacMahon deemed it wise to take the initiative, and on the 6th of January a Presidential Message was read in the National Assembly to the following effect:

"Gentlemen,―The hour has arrived when you are about to approach the serious discussion of the Constitutional Laws. The labours of your Committee are concluded, and public opinion would find it difficult to understand further delay. Desirous I have never ceased to be of seeing this necessary complement supplied to the power which I exercise by virtue of the Law of the 20th of November. I charge my Government to ask you to fix the Bill establishing a Second Chamber as the Order of the Day for one of your early sittings. That, indeed, is the institution which seems the most imperatively called for by the Conservative interest which you have entrusted to me, and the

defence of which I shall never abandon. The relations between the Assembly and the power emanating from it are now smooth. The case would, perhaps, be otherwise on the day when, having yourselves fixed the term of your existence, you gave place to a new Assembly. Conflicts may then arise, and in order to terminate them the intervention of a Second Chamber, offering by its composition solid guarantees, is indispensable. The necessity would be equally great even if, to resolve those conflicts, you should think it desirable, as my Government has asked you, to arm the Executive Power with the right of appealing to the judgment of the country by means of a dissolution. The exercise of this extreme right would be perilous, and I should myself hesitate to employ it if, under such critical circumstances, the Executive Power did not feel itself sustained and backed by the co-operation of a conciliatory Assembly. I have the satisfaction of thinking that on this point I am in accord with the majority of this Assembly. If the Government in the course of the deliberations submit certain modifications in the project which your Committee has laid before you, the object will be to facilitate its adoption. Another and more controverted point must be not less promptly decided—namely, that which relates to the transmission of power on my ceasing to exercise it. Here my intervention must have a more reserved character, since my personal responsibility can in no case be involved. case be involved. I do not hesitate, however, to say that, in my opinion, that transmission, when the 20th of November arrives, should be so settled as to leave the Assembly then in existence full and entire liberty of determining the form of Government of France. It is on that condition that till that date the co-operation of all the Moderate parties may be ensured in the work of national reparation which I am charged with prosecuting. I attach less importance-and I think the country agrees with me-to the question of knowing what should be done if, by a decree of Providence, which every man should look forward to, my life were terminated before the expiration of my mission. The National Sovereignty does not perish, and its representatives will always be able to make known their will. A desire, however, has been expressed that in that event nothing should be changed in the existing state of things till 1880. You will judge whether it would not be proper to complete by this arrangement the guarantees of stability promised by the law of the 20th of November. In any case, it is a point to be discussed and settled by you in a large spirit of conciliation. France, I am sure, would not understand that a difference resting on a hypothesis should arise to trouble the present and certain good which it expects from your agreement. Such are the views suggested to me by the study I have made during the year which has just elapsed of the real exigencies of the country. The conversations I have been able to hold with a large number of members of this Assembly make me hope that a majority will

sanction them by their votes. That is my most cherished wish, and one which, in the interests of the Assembly itself, I conjure you to realize. The anxiety of France and the perils which besiege it point out to you your duty. For myself, I think I have entirely fulfilled mine, and, whatever may be the issue of these debates, I rely on the justice of my country to appreciate my efforts."

Thus it was urged by the Chief of the State that the question of the Senate should claim priority of settlement over all other Constitutional Bills, and the proposition was formally put by M. Batbie, President of the Constitutional Committee. It was opposed by M. Laboulaye of the Left Centre, and when the question was put the precedence of the Senate Bili was rejected by 420 votes against 250. Then M. Dufaure moved for priority in favour of the Bill on the transmission of powers, and it was decided without opposition that this question should be discussed as soon as the Bill on the Military Cadres, which stood first on the order of the day, should have been disposed of.

The majority against Ministers had been a large one. Marshal MacMahon had shown his colours too clearly. He was so obviously acting as the mouthpiece of the Orleanists that all the other parties had taken alarm and joined in the opposition. In face of such a manifestation of opinion there was no alternative open but for the Ministry to resign.

The President had to turn round for fresh advisers. He called to his assistance first the Duc de Broglie, the astute statesman who was suspected of having inspired his secret counsels ever since his own dismissal from responsible authority; then the Duc d'Audiffret-Pasquier, conspicuous as a leader of the Right Centre, of Orleanist proclivities, but more liberal than many of his party; then M. Dufaure, of the Left Centre; but all three declined the task of forming a Cabinet, in view of the great uncertainties of the immediate situation and the impossibility of counting on a stable majority. It was therefore decided that till the Constitutional Bills should have been settled, the present Ministers should remain at their posts.

And before the Constitutional Bills could be brought on for discussion it was necessary to dispose of the Second Reading of the Military Organisation or "Army Cadres" Bill. The debate began on January 11. The first important question, which was raised at the second sitting on the 12th of January, was that of the effective strength of the Army. General Guillemant supported the proposal of the Committee for an establishment of 412,000, to be doubled in time of war; and, after the discussion of an Amendment moved by M. Keller, this proposal was ultimately adopted, on the 13th of January, by a narrow majority. For the existing scale of Continental armaments this strength cannot be called excessive. It would give France, under all heads, less than 2,000,000 of men, while the

recent Landsturm Bill has given Germany a total disposable force of 2,800,000, and Russia could bring under arms upwards of 3,300,000. One Deputy asked, indeed, how the country was to raise the 60,000,000 francs added to the War Estimates for 1876; but General Chareton, with a justifiable allusion to the new Opera House, observed that some outlay ought not to be grudged for such a premium of national insurance as the Army. At the third sitting, on January 13, began the serious discussion of a question which had been opened on the preceding day, and which afterwards engrossed the largest share of public attention. It was provided by the first paragraph of Clause 3 in the Report of the Committee that there should henceforth be four, instead of six, companies to a battalion; this change, dictated by motives of economy, having been already adopted in the German Army. At the sitting of January 13, the discussion was almost confined to military men. After the stock argument from economy had been duly put forward a new and interesting turn was given to the debate by General Chadois, who contended that dispersed order" could not be efficiently maintained with six companies to a battalion. Modern artillery, he argued, had made it impossible for infantry to remain in line within the zone of fire; and, appealing to the Minister of War, General de Cissey, he asked him whether, in his brilliant engagement at St. Privat, near Metz, he had been able to keep his battalions together. Austria, Italy, and other countries had already taken to heart the teaching of 1870 on this point; England alone adhered to the old system, the "dispersed order" not being in harmony with its genius and traditions; and though, the General said, he admired the way in which the English advanced in line at Alma, at Inkerman, and in the attack on the Redan, yet he held that, under present conditions, it was no longer expedient to follow the tactics approved by Napoleon the First and Frederick the Great. is the constant tendency of the French soldier to break the line and rush on in advance; a danger under the old system of six companies, as involving disorder, but an advantage, he contended, under the proposed system of four companies. This argument was ably developed by General Saussier, who, like his predecessor, dwelt upon the instinctive tendency of the French soldier to assume the offensive; and it is noticeable that the advantages of "dispersed order" for the French Army were admitted even by military speakers who, like General Chabron, doubted whether those advantages would be better secured by larger comanies. On January 14 the Assembly decided, by 345 to 332, at there should be four, and not six, companies to each battalion. The Minister of War next announced that, having studied the application of the new system, he believed the transformation could be effected without much delay. but that he reserved the right of demanding, on a future clause, that there should be two captains to each company. This proposal he eventually made at

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