of all classes gradually joined it, and insensibly its attraction became stronger every day, till it grew into one great national incorporation. The Catholic Rent was introduced by Mr. O'Connell, and established in almost every parish in the country. This was a new bond of affiliation. Every contributor considered himself as linked with the institution which he aided to support, and it may be said, that at length six or seven millions of Roman Catholics were engaged in one vast and powerful confederacy. And here let me for a moment pause, and ask whether, reviled and vilified as the Catholic demagogues have been, they still did not accomplish great things, when they thus succeeded in marshalling, and bringing the whole population of the country into array. Compare the site of the Roman Catholics in the year 1821 with their condition in the year 1825, and say at which of those periods was their attitude most imposing and imperative? Nor were the effects of the Association confined to this country. The English people had previously been taught to hold us in their contempt: but when they saw that such an immense population was actuated by one indignant sentiment, and was combined in an impassioned, but not the less effectual organization, and above all, when they perceived one thousand pounds a week pouring into our exchequer, their alarm was excited, and although their pride was wounded, they ceased to despise where they had begun to fear. At last the legis lature were called upon to interfere, and all the power of the ministry was exerted in order to crush the body, which owed its very existence to the grievances which they had refused to redress. At that period an opportunity was, perhaps, afforded to carry the Catholic Question. If the friends of Emancipation who voted with the ministers had said, that relief to Ireland should be the preliminary condition to their support, the great measure would, in all probability, have been carried. But unhappily the suppressing bill was allowed to pass; nothing was done for Ireland, while the Association was attempted to be extinguished by an Act of Parliament, which has, thanks to the excited spirit of the country, been found of no effect. The Catholic Question came on almost immediately after the vote for the suppression of the Association had passed. At that time the mind of Ireland was in a glow, and that of England was almost equally excited. The result of the discussion in the House of Commons affords a tolerably just test of the general prudence of discussion. It was said on the eve of the debate, that the virulence of the Catholics had exasperated the House of Commons to such a degree, that there was no chance of the measure being carried. In this feeling even our best and most undoubted friends participated. On the very day on which Sir Francis Burdett brought the measure forward, (the incident is deserving of mention) he came, attended with several eminent persons, to a meeting of the deputies, and informed us that it was considered exceedingly hazardous to bring on the measure. We remonstrated, and pressed for a discussion. Sir Francis Burdett and his distinguished companions retired, stating that they would return to a meeting of our friends, from which they had come, and let us know their determination, and shortly after it was announced that Mr. Tierney La given his decided opinion in favour of a discussion, and that the pre

sent Master of the Mint had overcome every objection. The question was accordingly brought forward and carried in the Commons. The virulence of the Association was urged as the leading argument, but it was of no avail. On the contrary, I am convinced that the Irish people never assumed so imposing an attitude. The measure was afterwards lost in the Lords, but no candid person will attribute that loss to the Catholic Association. Its rejection was not put upon any such ground. But was the spirit of Ireland subdued or dismayed by that rejection? Certainly not; and as the best evidence of it, I may appeal to an event in the history of the country, which will not be readily forgotten, and from which very important issues may yet be expected to follow-I mean the political insurrection of the forty-shilling freeholders, which took place immediately after the failure of our question. It wil be asked, perhaps, why I refer to an incident which, in its origin, did not redound much to the credit of the Catholic deputies. I admit that in offering to sacrifice the forty-shilling freeholders, a mistake-a serious, but innocent mistake was made. But while I am thus frank, let me be allowed to add, that we, who are blamed for an apparent readiness to make this sacrifice, did not know the quantity of public virtue which was to be found in rags, and that the demonstrations of humble heroism which attended the last election, resulted from the moral preparation which the minds of the peasantry had undergone, and which the Catholic Association had effected. We may be blamed for having tendered the franchises of the people, as the consideration for the national equalization, but let it not be forgotten, that if we were in fault in this particular, we had ourselves previously awakened the lower orders to that sense of their duties and of their importance, which was afterwards displayed. I have no hesitation in stating, that but for the Catholic Association the forty-shilling freeholders would never have rebelled against their proprietors. The wonders which were achieved in Waterford, in Armagh, in Monaghan, and in Louth, may be referred to that system of energy which we had previously adopted: and, with the blessing of God, and the aid of that spirit which will never, I trust, die away in our hearts, in that system of energy we will persevere. The fruits which it has already produced have been signal, and still more important consequences may yet be expected to follow. Therefore, I, for one, or I should rather say, for the thousands who sympathise with me, do declare, that never, under no circumstances-tempted by no inducements-deterred by no fears-allured by no expectations, beguiled by no promises, will we ever consent to allow a single session to pass without pressing for a discussion in Parliament. I do candidly own, that the very irritation produced by the rejection of our claims, and the exasperation of the people are amongst the most powerful inducements to urge the question on. I am for that system which will show the ministers that they never can expect to tranquillize Ireland, except by conceding our claims; I am for that system which will render our question a thorn in the sides of government, and I would drive that thorn in as deeply, and make it fester and rankle as poignantly as I am able. It is upon this principle. and because ever

lasting discussion forms a part of that system, that I suggest the propriety of having it known that we are determined not to suñer the ministers to slumber in their places, and that we will not yield up our liberties to their accommodation. Let us not be told that we should not disturb them in their repose, nor knock at the gates of the Legislature, lest we should awake them from the tranquillity of office, and rouse them from the golden dreams of power. We are not, after all, like the captives of Calcutta, who were allowed to perish rather than that the Rajah should be awakened from his sleep. Let not the ministers expect to slumber on undisturbed by the wrongs, and unaroused by the cries of Ireland. Ireland shall thunder at, though she may not be able to break open their doors, till the ministers shall themselves exclaim, "wake, England, with this knocking.' I have, Sir, stated my reasons for pressing a discussion, as part of that system on which I conceive that we should uniformly act. We must keep perpetually in view the necessity of adapting ourselves to the passions of the Irish, as well as of soothing the prejudices of the English people. This never should be lost sight of, and those who are most inclined to censure our conduct, and are sometimes at a loss to account for ou¿ "violence," as it is called, will find in this simple remark, the obvious clue to our policy. Whatever we do, men will always be found to cavil at our proceedings, and this being the inevitable consequence of whatever course we adopt, I prefer the bold and manly system to the base and servile, which will equally supply arguments against our cause. This view of our condition, and the principles on which we should act, is well put by Edmund Burke in a letter to Dr. Lawrence, recently published by the Archbishop of Cashel. Edmund Burke says "In the Parliament of Great Britain, Lord Grenville turned the loyalty of the Catholics against themselves. He argued from the zeal and loyalty they manifested—their want of a sense of any grievance. If the people are turbulent and riotous, nothing is to be done for them on account of their evil dispositions. If they are obedient and loyal, nothing is to be done for them, because their being quiet and contented is a proof that they feel no grievance." When we are thus xposed to have either our servility or our irritation turned equally gainst us, and as our continued degradation is to be the premium of our loyalty, it becomes every man to make an election between the two evils, and for my own part I do not hesitate in making a choice of the alternative. If I am to be treated like a dog, I had rather be chained up as a furious hound, than beaten like a well-bred spaniel, and repaid with blows for my sycophancy and fawning. But independently of the superior manliness of taking a bold and determined course, and of calling the attention of the whole empire, and I may add, of the world, to the oppression of the Irish Catholics, which is so disgraceful to the English nation, and makes all Europe cry out "shame," the more honourable is also, I have no doubt, the wisest course. Nothing but the permanent exigency of concession will produce it. It is for us to generate that exigency. How is that to be effected? By rousing, consolidating, and organising the energies of the people. Let me not

7

be misunderstood. I am not sufficiently absurd to speak of physica force. By organization I mean no more than a moral confederacy, und a system of combined and simultaneous action in regulating ali the movements of our own body. Much has been already done. But much more may still be done. We have admirable materials in our hands. In every parish in Ireland, there is a parish priest and a curate. The clergy of Ireland constitute a sort of intellectual aristocracy, and supply the place of an aristocracy of rank or wealth, in which we are deficient. I shall take an early opportunity of carrying into effect a project which I before suggested, of establishing a communication between a central committee of correspondence and every parish in Ireland. Thus simultaneous meetings through the whole country may be produced. There are difficulties in the way, but difficulties vanish before the spirit of genuine enterprise. A great exertion ought to be, and, with the blessing of God, shall be made. The whole population of Ireland shall be aroused; a fiercer ardour for liberty than ever yet was raised, shall be called up, and the tables of the legislature shall groan beneath the burden of petitions that shall be accumulated upon them. Let our English legislators learn what they have to expect from the refusal of all justice to our country. It cannot be too often and too powerfully impressed upon them. And as the number of our petitions should correspond with the vastness of the population which is affected by our grievances, so should their spirit be in union with the feelings by which we are actuated. Let there be no prostration, no debasement, in the sentiments which those petitions shall breathe; let us demand our equalization as a right, indefeasible and immutable, and show that when we ask for liberty, we are animated by the emo tions of men who are deserving of freedom. There are many-aye, and in our own body-who tell us that we should approach the legislature in a base and servile attitude, as if Ireland should be fearful lest the reiteration of her complaints should weary the honourable house, and she should preface her supplications with an apology for her intru sion, and exclaim, "I hope I don't intrude." Let me not be told of the pride of the English people. If they are proud they will eventually respect us the more for adopting a little of their own character and demeanour. The tone, and the attitude of Ireland should correspond with her increasing importance and power. She should stand at the bar of the legislature erect and independent, and stretching forth her vigorous and gigantic arm, (upon which a chain should no longer be worn), she should remind her oppressors of the infraction of treaties, of the breach of contracts, of the violation of all right, of the outrage upon all honour; and having demonstrated her injuries-baving disclosed all her wrongs-having torn open her bosom, if I may so say, and shown the hideous cancer of faction eating her to the heart, and corroding the life and substance of her being, she should tell them that she will be eventually as strong as she is miserable, and exclaim, "Do me justice-rescue me from wretchedness, and from distraction give me back my liberty-raise me to the place I should maintain in the empire—give me back my spoliated rights---restore me to my vio

lated franchises-give me back my liberty, or I pause upon the brink of the alternative to which I had hurried, and; receding from it, leave it to you to complete the sentence. I have forborne from entering into any speculation on the probable result of the discussion in the ensuing session of Parliament, because, whatever may be our calculations as to that result, we should persevere in the system of petition. Perhaps my temperament is naturally over sanguine, but I own I am not disposed to despond in my anticipation of the fortunes of my country. The majority of the present ministry are favourable to Ireland, and it is idle to suppose that our petition can put them out of office, when we recollect that there are no persons to supply their places. The opposition is now reduced to a felicitous triumvirate to Sir Thos. Lethbridge, Mr. Peel, and his favourite prentice boy, Mr. Dawson, and even upon their permanent support, the Orange faction cannot place any very strong reliance; for Sir Thomas Lethbridge is going upon his travels, and it is to be hoped, will touch at the island of Antycira; Mr. Peel, it is believed, having discovered the royal disrelish for what the king is reported to have designated as "his genteel vulgarity," has determined to spin the remainder of his days in domestic oblivion of the solicitudes of political life-and with respect to the Right Hon. George Dawson, the friends of Emancipation apprehended that the cause will speedily lose the benefit of his opposition, and that in some foggy morning in the suicidal month of November, the hon. gentleman will be discovered in the ditchwater of the modern Numantia; for it is reported, that he has been lately seen wandering along the moat of the city of Londonderry, with a hasty step and agitated demeanour, and it is conjectured, that its dyke, covered with Orange ooze, (the appropriate emblem of his mind), may serve him a good turn, by assisting his heroic enterprise against himself. From such an opposition little is to be apprehended, and therefore no argument can be drawn from any danger to which the ministers may be exposed. With respect to the present ministry, they remain to be tried. As yet nothing has been done to induce us to look upon them with distrust; and although at first view, the appointment of Lord Anglesea, who drew an unhappily figurative phrase from his profession, seems ill-omened, yet, there is reason to think, that his lordship, whose friends said that he spoke in a "civil sense," has no notion of dragooning us into violence, or cutting us down into submission. His lordship only used the rhetorical sabre-the tœlum oratoris, as it is called; and in justice we ought to weigh all his former votes against the ebullition of English pride into which, what he called, our violence had betrayed him. Lord Anglesea is said to be an intelligent and an ambitious man, and his good sense should teach him, that an honourable ambition would be best gratified by his being a means of effectually tranquillizing, by appeasing the discontents of Ireland. Nor can I think that Lord Lansdowne would retain the Home Department, if an Orange Lord Lieutenant were to succeed a nobleman, whose power to serve us did not correspond with his inclination. Surveying the whole frame and constitution of the ministry, I owe that I am disposed to place confidence in them; and