rolling and bounding with accelerated velocity, and sweeping every impediment before it? Where will it rest in its course, and in what gulf will it lie at last? This is an interrogatory to which no man of our time will live perhaps to give a reply. Our children, and the children of our oppressors, will read it in the history of this unfortunate land, and God grant that its pages may not be written in blood. The intrepid ecclesiastic of whom I have been speaking was succeeded by a man of a gentler mood of mind, but not a less elevated and patriotic spirit. As you enter that magnificent house of worship which the Roman Catholics of Waterford have raised to the honour of God, you behold a plain marble slab, on which a beautiful inscription has been graven-the epitaph is not remarkable for any peculiar felicity of monumental expression-it is not conspicuous for any funeral epigram; but it contains a simple and most eloquent fact, to the bare statement of which all its panegyric is confined, for it intimates that "the marble was raised to commemorate the Christian virtue of Doctor Power, by the Catholic, the Protestant, and the Presbyterian inhabitants of his diocese." The day on which the remains of that truly good and benevolent man were laid in the earth was a remarkable one-there was not a single Protestant of respectability who did not join the procession which followed his relics to the grave. That amiable and excellent person, whose life was an illustration of his precepts, was succeeded by a gentleman, of whom it is unnecessary to say more than that he was characterised by a spirit of political complaisance which arose from the imbecility of his intellect, more than from any vices of his heart. Upon his death it was found necessary to fill the See which he had left vacant with a man of a very opposite cast of mind. The clergy of Waterford looked round for an ecclesiastic who was fitted to the time. They wanted a man of high talents and acquirements, of a firm, decided, and manly character, with a bold and inflexible spirit, and something of a republican simplicity of mind. And where did they seek him? These lovers of despotism by religion, these necessary slaves, these men whe are deemed insensible to the love of liberty, and incapable of its enjoyment, these Popish priests-looked out into the democracy of America, and selected for their prelate a bishop of the United States. It was among the forests that mark the boundaries of the United States, it was in the midst of the Savannas-in the midst of poverty and of privation, and surrounded with every hardship, that Doctor Kelly had evinced the qualifications of a truly Christian pastor. He had not, when far away from his country, lost his affection for the land that gave him birth, and his anxiety to do that service to Ireland which he has proved that it is in the power of every bishop to confer, induced him to accept the honourable tender which was made to him by the clergy of his native diocese. He came, and what more need I do than appeal for the results of his coming to the simple fact upon which I rest the resolution in which the gratitude of the Irish people is expressed? It did befit a man who lived in a free country, in a land of manly spirits and fearless minds, to put into accomplishment a measure which belongs to the spirit of genuine citizenship. and which enumerates the people for the

purpose of giving assertion and extension to their rights. To such a maa great praise is due, and, believe me, he will not stop here. He will teach the power and efficiency of a simultaneous but pacific assemblage of seven millions of people, and I may conjecture what he will do, by what he has already achieved. He will not be slow in adopting that fine suggestion, that the cry for liberty should be mingled with the voice of prayer, and that from the altars of God an invocation should be offered, to touch our rulers with the spirit of justice, to illuminate their minds, and awaken in them a sense of the perils of the empire. And let it not be said that it is unmeet to do so. If we call for the rain from heaven, or ask for the shining of the sun; if for grass and corn we are permitted to submit our orisons, who will say that for the great harvest of long and golden prosperity, for the maturing of those events of which the seeds have been already deeply sown-who will say that for these great objects it is unfit that we should offer up our prayers? But let me not deviate into matter which affords too wide a field for present expatiation. The office of gratitude is more pleasurable than the indulgence of even the most sanguine expectation of future good; and I shall therefore conclude by moving the following resolution:-" "That the Right Rev. Doctor Kelly, the Catholic Bishop of Waterford, by commencing the Catholic census in his diocese, has conferred a great obligation upon his country, and deserves its thanks.”

PRAYER FOR EMANCIPATION.

SPEECH ON MR. O'CONNELL'S MOTION, THAT A PRAYER BE OFFERED UP IN EVERY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHAPEL FOR EMANCIPATION.

I AM of opinion that a prayer for liberty should be incorporated with the liturgy of the Catholic Church. It is idle to insist that such a measure should originate with the bishops. I have no doubt that we shall have their individual assent to the proposition, although they may not deem it judicious to recommend it in their corporate capacity. It is enough that they should permit the utterance of the prayer, without enjoining its adoption. The spirit which actuates the great body of the clergy will induce them to act in conformity with our suggestion; and there is not a prelate in the land who would so far deviate from the course which has been hitherto pursued by the head of our church, as to issue an injunction against the use of so just, so reasonable, and so consistent an orison. Let us not at least anticipate any episcopal veto upon this great expedient. The Roman Catholic hierarchy are united with us in political sentiment. There is not one among them who does not personally applaud our conduct, although they do not deem it accordant with their spiritual character to take a visible and utward participation in our proceedings. The fact, that they have selected the period of our sittings for their own session affords proof

of their desire that the two great assemblies which represent the wishes of the Irish people-should be convened and act together.They are virtually in correspondence with the Association; and have transmitted to us in an almost official shape the resolutions passed by their body. I therefore dismiss the argument pressed on the other side, that we are interfering with their legitimate province. But it is said that political matter should not be blended with religious practices, and that the call for freedom is not an object of prayer. I hold the Catholic Litany in my hand. It was given me by a Catholic priest on entering this room-let us examine the contents of the Litany as it stands, and determine how far the addition of the proposed prayer is in conformity with the character of the established supplication. I find in the first place a prayer for the preservation "of the fruits of the earth." Our physical wants have thus become the objects of our spiritual aspirations. But I may be called on to show, that political matter is already introduced into the Litany. I accept the challenge; "vouchsafe to give peace and true concord to Christian Kings and Princes." In other words, "preserve the Holy Alliance." But I should not upon such an occasion indulge in the spirit of sarcastic jest. What follows is much better; "vouchsafe to grant peace and unity to all Christian people." This is truly a noble and exalted desire; and its use amongst us evinces how little we are swayed by views of a narrow and sectarian character. We do not pray for peace and unity among all Catholic people. We do not limit our wishes to the benefit of those who coincide with us in our religious tenets we implore the Almighty to grant peace and unity, (those paramount and surpassing blessings) to all the nations by whom a belief in the Divine Redeemer of mankind is professed. But, Mr. Chairman, I am arguing this question with too much minuteness and formality, and treating it as if it really stood in need of an inductive series of reasoning, when the propriety and the consistency of such a prayer are matters so obvious, that argument seems to be wasted upon them. I shall take a bolder ground, and one more fitted to the time, and becoming the closing hours of the political existence of this body. I care not whether there be a prayer in the Litany for concord or unity— I care not whether there be in the appendix to the liturgy, a prayer against earthquakes, tempests, famine, and pestilence. But abandoning all reliance upon authority, and putting form and precedent aside, I ask of this great assembly, whether it be an offence against religion to call upon the Almighty to save us or our children from the horrors of a political convulsion, to which the system pursued in its regard is precipitating this unfortunate country? I have spoken boldly and abruptly. It is not matter for hints and inuendoes. I speak without fear, because I cannot justly incur reproach; and I am myself as much disposed as any one of those who are inclined to attribute to me motives as preposterous as they are wicked, to deprecate the frightful calamities, which, if a change of policy be not adopted, will fall at last upon this country. Let it be understood. I am not alluding to events that will happen in our time. It is not likely that

they who "sow the storm" will " reap the whirlwind." I, and every man that hears me, and most of the enemies of our political rights, will, probably, be lying in the grave before the arrival of the dreadful results upon which I protest to God that I look with unaffected dismay. The case stands simply thus:-There are seven millions, or at all events, nearly that number of Roman Catholics in Ireland. Ther wealth, their intelligence, their public spirit, their union, their com munity of purpose, and their unalterable determination to prosecute their political rights are every day on the increase. Acts of Parliament are as bonds of flax. Every effort which has been made to extinguish the desire for freedom with its hope has been utterly without effect. The denunciations of the heir to the throne have only tended to add indignation to resolve. The number of public meetings has of late exceeded all prior example of popular assemblies in Ireland-and the rank, the talent, and the energy, and the intrepid spirit manifested in these vast convocations, afford the most convincing indications of the rapid and formidable advancement of the national mind. I doubt not that this progression may go on pacifically for ten, fifteen, or perhaps for twenty or more years; but is there a man who knows any thing of human nature, who can, for a moment, indulge in the idle hope that a crisis will not at last arrive, and that this monstrous and most anomalous state of things will not generate some frightful results? Can things stand as they are? No! It is impossible. It is out of all calculation of contingency. There is hardly a man here that does not remember the horrors of 1798. The scenes of blood which were enacted in that brief period, would, in all likelihood, be greatly exceeded in atrocity in a future and better organized convulsion; but yet they were sufficiently frightful to make any man look forward with horror to their recurrence. Is it unmeet that we should implore Providence to enlighten the minds of our rulers, and instruct them in the wisdom of mercy, and the policy of toleration, which will effectually prevent the disasters of which I have drawn this black but rapid sketch? Is it unmeet to call upon Heaven to disperse the cloud that is gathering in the horizon, though years must pass before it bursts upon our heads? Is it unmeet to pray to God with all the ardour of which the heart of man is capable, to prevent a return of the scenes of which we have already had so bitter an experience? Is it unmeet for the father to clasp his offspring to his bosom and exclaim, “Merciful and Almighty God, save my children from spoliation, massacre, and shame?" Is it unmeet to implore of Heaven that torture may not be renewed? That the riding-house and the Exchange may not echo with shrieks and groans? That scaffolds may not stand in our streets, and that their channels may not be red with gore? I will frankly admit, that one among the many reasons by which I am swayed, in thus strongly enforcing this measure, is the deep community of sentiment which the utterance of a prayer for the freedom of Ireland will produce among all classes of the people. It will tend to link the clergy with us by a still stronger bond, and impart to the patriotism of the people a more exalted and enthusiastic character. Will it not be a noble spec.acle

behold the brave and impetuous peasantry of Ireland kneeling, on every Sabbath, before the altar of Heaven, and lifting up their brawny arms, and their rugged and impassioned faces, in the utterance of a prayer for the liberty of Ireland?-and if any man should, after the institution of this admirable practice, by which a great political pursuit will be consecrated and made holy, be disposed to tell me that the Irish people are indifferent to their civil rights, I shall say to him"Go into the humblest edifice dedicated to the worship of God, and when you shall have heard the prayer for emancipation pronounced from the altar, and beheld the passion and enthusiasm with which the humblest tillers of the earth will have joined in that noble supplication -when you shall have witnessed their ardent eyes and beaming countenances, and listened to the fervour of the exclamations with which they will unite their orisons with the minister of their persecuted religion, then you will not presume to tell me that seven millions of people are careless of the attainment of their political rights.”

SPEECH ON THE DUKE OF YORK.

I HAVE waited until the chair had been left, and the meeting of the Association had terminated, in order to introduce a subject, which, as it is of a purely political nature, I refrained from mentioning during the discussions of the Association, lest it should give them a character of illegality, and expose me to the imputation of having violated the law. I refer to the recent observations which have been made in the London papers upon the report of a speech of mine at a public dinner. I hope that I shall not be considered guilty of an overweening egotism, in drawing the attention of the individuals who happen to be assembled here, to what may appear to relate to myself. But the topics on which I mean to address you are of public as well as of personal interest. The truculent jocularity, and the spirit of savage jest, which have been ascribed to me, in expatiating on the infirmities of an illustrious person, have been regarded as characteristic of the moral habitudes of the body to which I belong. Thus, my vindication (for I do not rise to make an apology) extends beyond myself. Yet let me be permitted to suggest, that it is most unfair to impute to a whole people the feelings or the sentiments of any single man. The Catholics of Ireland have been repeatedly held responsible for the unauthorised and unsanctioned language of individuals. Every ardent expression, every word that overflows with gall, every phrase uttered in the suddenness of unpremeditated emotion, are converted into charges against seven millions of the Irish people. It is dealing rather hardly with us, to make a loose after-dinner speech, (the mere bubble of the mind) thrown off in the heedlessness of conviviality, a matter of serious accusation against a whole commu. nity. I am not endeavouring to excuse myself upon any such plea as the Bishop of Kilmore might resort to, in extenuating his late oration