The

with resistance, and that oppression should be beaten down by force. le menaces the British government with the consequences which may result from the indignation of the Irish people. If, then, England had any reason to apprehend any evil result from the exasperated pride of the Protestants of Ireland, (who were but a handful of men)-if Molyneux were alive, would he not exhort the English nation to consider the consequences which may arise from the Union, the confederacy, the organization, and the discontent of seven millions of the inhabitants of this country. Let Mr. Robinson then beware of referring his countrymen to the example or the principles of Mr. Molyneux, and above all, let not a Fellow of Trinity College in pronouncing an encomium upon Molyneux, call him the friend of Locke. On the part of a Fellow of Trinity College, I cannot readily conceive a more egregious mistake, than that he should have made the least reference to the great philosopher whose name he has so incautiously introduced. University of Oxford, the seat of the Protestant religion, on the very day on which the great Lord Russell perished upon the scaffold, issued its celebrated declaration in favour of slavery, and embodied the doctrine of non-resistance with the fundamental principles of the Reformation. The University of Dublin, at the distance of more than a century, followed this glorious example; and in order to establish a perfect consistency between the principles of the English and the Irish Church, upon no other ground than that Locke's Essay upon Government justified a resistance to tyranny, excluded the work from the College course. And yet Mr. Robinson, with this fact staring him in the face, has the clumsy effrontery, and the awkward impertinence, to inform us, that it is to the University of Dublin, that we ought to look for the assertion and preservation of the true principles of liberty. If Mr. Robinson had merely committed those gross indiscretions, and had only offered an insult to the understanding of the public, he would not be deserving of any very vituperative comment; but the ferocity of his opinions produces a sort of counterpoise to their absurdity, and he ceases to be ridiculous only because his sentiments deserve to be abhorred. Laughter subsides in execration, and we cannot utterly despise what we so entirely detest. The sentiments expressed by Mr. Robinson are the He has had the atrocious frankuess to principles of a whole faction. avow, without disguise, what others have only intimated-he has made a public profession of opinions, of which others have only given a san guinary hint. I will not say, (for it were a vulgar and inferior phrase,) that he has let the cat out of the bag, but he has uncaged the passions of his faction, and showed the tiger crouching for its prey. In the spirit of a ferocious honesty, and with a blood-thirsty candour, he has openly acknowledged, that he and his party long for a general massacre, and aspire at an universal extirpation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. If what he said was the mere result of a temporary excitement; if his sentiments were but the steam of drunkenness and the vapour of debauch; if his foul and nauseous opinions rose out of his mind like the reekings of a drunkard's brow, I should allow them to disperse and pass away. They should be permitted to dissipate like the stench of revelry,

which, after a night's debauch, it is sufficient to open a window to let out. But the opinions of Mr. Robinson were not the mere evaporations of political intoxication, or the bubbles of a temporary effervescence. They were the black and putrid discharge of a foul and ulcerated heart, oozing out of a mind which should be regarded as a mass of rottenness, and which infected the whole moral atmosphere with its rank and abominable exhalations. 'Scelus anhelantem.' The phrase applied by Cicero to the teacher of massacre in his time, becomes his sacredota savageness. Openly and avowedly, without cover, subterfuge, or modification, he proclaims a wish that a civil war may take place, which, he says, may indeed cause a rational butchery, but wil! terminate in the achievement of much substantial Protestant good. Men with gray hairs, women and infants without the power to cry for help, are to be piled up together in one vast heap of carnage, which the genius of Orange Ascendancy is to choose for its throne. He is a chemist, a philosopher; a man who sits tranquilly in his political laboratory, and would make experiments with blood. Calmly, nobly, deliberately and savagely, he offers up a wish for the massacre of a whole people, and blends the aspirations of Caligula with the orisons of a Christian priest. For he is a priest! He too, talks of his parochial duties ! Merciful Heaven! Is this man a teacher of the Gospel, and a minister of the God of mercy, of clarity, and of benevolence? Is this the man who lifts up his hands from the altar-who breaks the bread of life, and distributes the commemorative cup? Is this man a priest of Christ? Oh! no, no-not of Christ; not of the divine and merciful redeemer of mankind- not of the God whose coming was announced amidst the hymns of peace, and whose last words were an adjuration of forgiveness, founded upon the frailty of mankind--not of Christ-but of that sanguinary fiend who was deified in the abominable idolatry of Phoenicia of Moloch, the demon who was worshipped with human sacrifices, and nourished with infants' blood, would this sacrilegious priest be the appropriate minister. But let justice be done, even to him; if guilt can be diminished by its participation, then is he not entirely guilty. He has but given utterance to the detestable wish with which the hearts of Orangemen are pregnant. They pant, they burn, they sigh for another confiscation. They long for a return of the era of triangles, and the epoch of pitch caps. They would invoke the spirit of FitzGerald, and conjure the blood boultered spectre of O'Brien from the grave. They recollect, with a moral luxury, the screams of the riding-house-they remember them of the shrieks of Horish, when the torturer stood by, and presided over the feast of agony, in the ecstacy of his infernal enjoyments-when he gloated on his writhings, and refreshed himself with his groans.-But let them beware. I speak not of the government, but of the Orange men of Ireland. If they should undertake to carry their frightful spe ulations into execution, they may learn by experience that they mistake their strength. We are told by their orators, that without the aid of England they could put us down. Let them take care how they indulge in that hazardous experiment. Let them beware of the sound of that trumpet which may summon seven millions to arms. It is not now

as it once was. We are no longer divided and distracted as we wero wont to be. We are no longer broken into fragments. We are united, confederated and combined, not by oaths and forms, for they are illegal and unnecessary, but by that spirit of moral organization which results from a sympathy in suffering, and a vast participation in wrong. Let them, then, beware how they proceed to carry their threats into performance, and remember that a whole population, rising simultaneously to protect itself against a national slaughter, will present a fearful obstacle to their projects. We will not, whatever happens, hold out our throats to the Orange yeomen-we will not stand tamely by when the ministers of our religion shall be butchered before our eyes; when the temples of our worship shall be committed to the flames, and when the foot of murder and of rape shall bestride the threshold of our door! This is what Mr. Robinson calls a "tropical hurricane," to be succeed‹ d by a glorious calm! It is a hurricane of which he may meanly expect to behold the devastations from the steeple of his church in security. Let him not forget, that in that whirlwind of the passions which he has well described, and for which he offers up his pious aspirations, the church itself may be shaken to its foundations, and they who have called up the hurricane, because they considered themselves in safety from its effects, may be the first to perish under the ruins of those institutions, of which they affect to be the main supporters, but which they are the first to put in peril. Mr. Sheil concluded his speech by declaring, that in speaking of resistance, he referred merely to the Orangemen of Ireland, and not to the English government, by which he was convinced that the atrocities of the Orange faction would not receive a sanction.

NOTICE OF A VOTE OF THANKS TO THE BISHOP OF WATERFORD.

SPEECH AT THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION, IN GIVING NOTICE OF A VOTE OF THANKS TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOP OF WATERFORD

I GIVE notice that I shall, upon the first opportunity, move, that the thanks of the Association be given to the Right Rev. Dr. Kelly, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Waterford. That prelate has commenced the census. He that begins has half achieved. Dr. Kelly has conferred an incalculable obligation upon this country. Under his auspices an accurate census of the Catholic and Protestant population of his diocese has been made, and the priests of thirty-two parishes have engaged to make certified returns of the comparative numbers. In a few days an official statement of the census will be transmitted. In the interval, it may not be inapposite to communicate to you the returns of some of ne parishes, which I have myself obtained from Dr. Kelly. In the r ish of Ardmore, there are 7871 Catholics and 39 non-Catholics; in e parish of Susquera there are 3015 Catholics and 20 non-Catholics

In the barony of Ballynamant, there is but one Protestant. He had been a Catholic, but being appointed a collector in the excise, he was illuminated by a "special grace," and abandoned the unprofitable. errors of the Church of Rome. In the parish of Carrick beg, there are 4853 Catholics and 21 non-Catholics. In Abbeyside, 4899 Catholics and 33 non-Catholics. In Kilgobbenett, 3079 Catholics and 4 Protestants. In Ring, near Dungarvan, 2464 Catholics and 20 Protestants, and in Dungarvan, a commercial and rising town, 6952 Catholics and 168 non-Catholics. In Trinity Without, in the city of Waterford, there are 9325 Catholics and 396 non-Catholics, including the boys and girls in Killoteran Charter School. In Killea, 5929 Catholics and 376 non-Catholics. But if any person be surprised at the number of non-Catholics in this parish, it is right to apprise him that the artificial harbour of Dunmore, which has cost government an immense sum, and furnishes, of course, a means of jobbing, is situate in this parish, and of necessity, is a focus of Protestantism. The Catholics are, indeed, sent down in the diving-bell, but the Protestants, who work the apparatus, are all above water. The parish of Portlaw is upon Lord Waterford's estates, and his lordship has made great efforts to colonise his property with the professors of the hereditary creed of the house of Beresford. Accordingly he has succeeded in gathering about him 537 Protestants. But, notwithstanding all his exertions to eradicate Popery, that noxious weed still continues to flourish and spread upon his estate. There are 5567 Papists in the parish of Portlaw. I have mentioned these returns without selection, and I do believe they afford a very accurate view of the comparative population of the whole diocese. What I have stated is of great importance. But a fact remains to be communicated to you of still greater moment. It has been ascertained, in the taking of the census of Clonmel, that there are three hundred and fifty soldiers stationed in that town, and that three hundred and ten of them are pro fessors of our damnable, idolatrous, unconstitutional, and disloyal religion. This is certified by the Rev. Dr. Flannery. Furthermore, it has been stated to me by the Rev. Mr. Sheehan (than whom there is not a more zealous, ardent, and valuable man in the city of Waterford, and who has honourably devoted himself to the independence of the county) that the garrison of Waterford (the 29th) consists of five hundred men, and although it is accounted an English regiment, and is commanded by an English baronet, out of these five hundred men there are only one hundred and seventy-seven who are not Catholics. This fact, which illustrates the condition of the British army-this great and most momentous fact, should be told with a trumpet through every country in the civilized world, and it shall be proclaimed. France and pain, and Germany and Russia, shall hear of it. The Etoile shall send it forth, and stamp shame upon the men who, with exasperating exclusions, with vilifying disqualifications, with ancient wrongs, and with new insults, repay the victories that have been achieved by the feats of frish valour, and the waste of Irish blood. Shame upon the abominable system that takes the. heart-blood of Ireland and requites it thus! What will a French soldier say? What will be said by the men

who survived the field of Waterloo, when they shall peruse what I am now speaking to you, (and they will peruse it) and learn that those who put their battalions to flight, and broke the spell of Napoleon's invincibility, are deemed unworthy the rights of citizens? What will they say when they shall have been told, that the arms which drove the bayonet through their ranks, are laden with heavy shackles, and that while laurels are heaped upon the brows of the captain of that great host, the soldiers who achieved that unparalleled victory are bound in chains They will say that it is better to be unfortunate than ungrateful; and that the field of Waterloo was as disgraceful to England as it was disastrous to France; and they will say more than this--they will say what it is easier to imagine than it is wise to tell. But let tha pass. I return to the census. That measure was proposed by me, and I am proud of it. There were some who doubted its feasibility. Their doubts must now be at an end, (I tell these sceptics,) and we shall hear no more of their misgivings, and their difficulties, and their paltry fears. The thing is not in the future, but in the past. It is not only resolved, but done. What will be the result of a census? It will not only teach our numbers to the legislature, but it will instruct ourselves. The clergy who can count the people can do more. They can gather the people and teach them to lift up their voices in one simultaneous call for redress. The meetings in every parish on the same day will be readily effected. Three thousand petitions will be transmitted to the tables of the legislature from the altars of God! But more than this can be accomplished. They who can count heads can count acres. The extent and value of church property, the rate of cesses, and tho amount of tithes, can also be easily ascertained through the same medium. I trust that emancipation will render these investigations unnecessary, and that the ministers will see the wisdom of not arraying the people against the church. But if the measure be not accomplished in the first session of the new parliament, let it be given up, and let the axe be laid to the root. In the interval, it is well that we should know what potent means we possess to obtain justice for Ireland. If any man were to inquire of me the chief grounds upon which I rest my hopes of ultimate success, I should, without hesitation, answer, that my best hopes were grounded upon the lofty patriotism, the devoted zeal, the ardent love of liberty which characterise that pure, that pious, that enlightened, and, let me add, that powerful and influential body of unbought and unpurchaseable men-the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland. If we but apply, with ordinary sagacity, the great means within our power, all the obstacles in our way must be at last overcome; and the anathemas of a prince, the fears of a chancellor, the protestations of the premier, and even the late orgies at Derry, will be without avail. In referring to the city of Londonderry I can hardly avoid alluding to a gentleman who recently made a conspicuous figure among its apprentices, in return for the very delicate and forbearing manner in which, after complaining of the scoffs and ribaldry of which he was the victim, and for which he had no other consolation but his conscience and his place, he did me the honour to introduce my name. I felt it