what would not the man of whom Swift was the precursor be able to achieve with the income tax? The pressure of the income tax would cause Catholicism, Protestantism, and Calvinism to coalesce into one vast compact of discontent. Who can doubt that the member for Donegal, the instant the income tax was extended to Ireland, would burst into a Repealer, and enrol himself among the burning patriots of the Conciliation Hall? In 1782 the Protestants and Catholics of Ireland extorted the independence of the Parliament of Ireland; and there are those who not only hope, but believe, that before they die the restoration of that parliament in its independence may be extorted from you. Have a care then how you deal rashly with Ireland. Do not, for the sake of a small accession to the revenue, do us an injustice, and a signal detriment to yourselves. There are other means of obtaining a revenue from Ireland besides an income tax. There is an alchymy in good government. By doing perfect justice you can largely save, and saving is equivalent to gain. Justice is a good housewife. My honourable and frugal friend, the member for Montrose, has often told you that you can, by adopting a sound policy in Ireland, effect a great reduction, and reduce your army to a force comparatively small. He has often said, that as in Scotland 2,000 men are quite sufficient, the army in Ireland might be reduced in the same proportion. On Friday last, indeed, my honourable friend in his enthusiasm forgot his old topics, and almost forgot himself. He said nothing of retrenchment, nothing of the economy of justice to Ireland. Although politically as vigilant in keeping watch over the public treasure as the dragon by which the golden fleece was said of old to be guarded, my honourable friend yielded to the "magic_arts" and to the eloquent enchantments of the fascinating financier. But now that he is recovered from the spell, I trust that he will take the same view as I do in reference to the facility with which a large revenue could be obtained from a country whose resources, through misrule, remain undeveloped. If you will but endeavour to adapt your institutions to Ireland, instead of labouring to adapt Ireland to your institutions-in that antithesis you will find that a great deal of truth is condensed-if, I repeat, instead of adapt. ing Ireland to your institutions, you do but try to adapt your institutions to Ireland-if, instead of inflicting a temporary tranquillity, you confer a perpetual peace, you will obtain from Ireland a revenue far exceeding anything which, by the torture of this inquisitorial imposi

1810, says of Swift: "In this gloom one luminary arose, and Ireland worshipped it with Persian idolatry: her true patriot, her first, almost her last. Sagacious and intrepid-he said, he dared;-above suspicion, he was trusted;-above envy, he was beloved;-above rivalry, he was obeyed. His wisdom was practical and prophetic-remedial for the present, warning for the future: he first taught Ireland that she might become a nation, and Engjand that she must cease to be a despot. But he was a churchman: his gown impeded his course, and entangled his efforts:-guiding a senate, or heading an army, he had been ■ Cromwell. As it was, he served Ireland by his courage, improved her by his authority adorned her by his letters, and exalted her by his fame.

tion, it would be possible for you to obtain. Peace, true peace-peaco founded upon justice, and equality, and national contentment, bas aŭ enriching, as well as a civilizing and ameliorating, attribute. Peace will pay you large import duties-peace will consume in abundance Jugar, and coffee, and tea, and every article on which a charge will remain-peace will draw from the earth twice its ordinary return, and while it shall give you more food, will take more of your manufactures in return-peace will enlarge and give security to that market which is already the best you possess-peace will open a wider field to your aborious industry and your commercial enterprise; and for every benefit you confer upon us, for every indulgence you shall show us, for every gift you bestow, with an usury incalculably profitable, by pesce you will be repaid.

POST-OFFICE ESPIONAGE.

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 1, 1845, ON MOVING A RESOLUTION REGARDING THE LETTERS OF JOSEPH MAZZINI, WHICH HAD BEEN OPENED BY THE WARRANT OF SIR JAMES GRAHAM, ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S SECRETARIES OF STATE.

I HAVE risen in order to before the Easter recess.

move the resolution of which I gave notice I submit it in the following terms :-

Resolved that this house has learned with regret, that with a view to the prevention of a political movement in Italy, and more especially in the Papal States, the letters of a foreigner, which had no relation to the maintenance of the internal tranquillity of the United Kingdom, should have been opened under a warrant bearing date the 1st of March, and cancelled on the 3rd of June, 1844, and that the information obtained by such means should have been communicated to a foreign power."

Let me be permitted in the first instance to correct a misconception. It is not my purpose to make the fatalities which happened in Calabria the grounds of imputation. I believe every word which has been stated by Lord Aberdeen. In this country-this veracious country, in which the spirit of truth is pre-eminent, if a minister of the Crown, no matter to what party he may appertain, rises in his place in either House of Parliament, and either with respect to what he has done, or what he has not done, makes a solemn asseveration, with an instinctive promptitude he is instantaneously believed; and if in the case of every man who is in the enjoyment of the official confidence of his Sovereign this remark holds good, how much more applicable it is to a statesman, with honour so unimpeached, with honour so unimpeachable, as the Earl of Aberdeen. I will not deny that it has been to me the occasion of some surprise, that with the letters of Emilio and of Attilio Bandiera before his eyes, letters written at Corfu, and relating to the intended descent upon the Calabrian coast-with such means of knowledge-with so much light about him, Lord Aberdeen should have been in ignorance so complete; but his statement-the simple statement of a man of such indisputable truthfulness-outweighs every other consideration, and to any conjecture injurious to Lord Aberdeen I will not permit myself to give way; but the actual descent upon Calabria, and the prospective movement in the Papal States, are distinct. The scaffolds of Cosenza and of Bologna are unconnected. Lord Aberdeen has cleared himself with regard to any perfidy practised towards the Bandieras, but the Post-office intervention with regard to the movement in the ecclesiastical territories has with the Calabrian catastrophe little to do. This distinction has been lost sight of in the course of the Post-office discussions. Indeed, the public attention was a good deal engrossed by the parliamentary encounter between the Secretary of the Home Department and his old and valuable friend. By a singular combination of bravery and of ability, the member for Finsbury has obtained a series of

successes of the most signal kind. I cannot help thinking, however, that more plausibilities may be pleaded for the opening of the letters of a member of parliament than for breaking the seals of letters written to a foreigner, who had no English confederates, who had raised no money in England, who had not made any shipment of arms, who had not enrolled any auxiliary legion, and whose letters related to transactions with which the internal tranquillity of England is wholly unconnected. The Duncombe is not as strong as the Mazzini case. What is the case of Joseph Mazzini? He is an exile in a cause once deemed to be a most noble one. In 1814 England called on Italy to rise. The English government (it then suited their purpose) invoked the Venetian, and the Genoese, and the Tuscan, and the Roman, and the Calabrian to combine for the liberation of their country. Proclamations (I have one of them before me,) were issued, in which sentiments were expressed for which Mazzini is in exile, and for which the Bandieras died. Botta, the Italian historian, tells us that Lord William Beutinck and Sir Robert Wilson, acting by the authority of the English Government, caused a banner to be unfurled, on which was inscribed “The Independence of Italy," and two hands were represented clasped together, as a symbol of the union in which all Italians were invited by the English government to combine. How badly have we acted towards Italy! When our purpose had been served, after having administered these provocatives after having drugged Italy with provocatives, we turned suddenly round-we surrendered Italy to a domination worse than that of Napoleon, and transferred to Austria the iron crown. But the spirit of nationality did not expire; it remained, and a long time, dormant, but it was not dead. After the Revolution in France of 1830, and the Revolution in England in 1831, a reform of abuses-of proved abuses-was demanded in the ecclesiastical states. It was denied, and an insurrection was the consequence. It was suppressed, and Mazzini, who was engaged in it, was compelled to fly from Italy, bearing the love of Italy, the malady of exile, in his heart. Louis Blanc, in his history of the ten years, gives an account of the incidents which took place in the struggle between the Papal government and its subjects, to which I will not minutely refer, because he may not be regarded as an impartial writer; but in the appendix to the third volume of his work, a document is to be found of a most remarkable kind. Lord Palmerston had directed Sir Hamilton Seymour, who belonged to the legation at Florence, to proceed to Rome with a view, in concert with the representatives of the four great powers, to induce the Papal government to adopt such reforms as would prevent any popular outbreak, from which consequences prejudicial to the peace of Italy might be apprehended. The utmost efforts were made by Lord Palmerston not to crush the just efforts made by Italians for the reform of great abuses, but to induce the government, by a timely concession, to prevent any popular commotion. Sir Hamilton Seymour was employed by Lord Palmerston for this purpose. He writes the following letter to the delegates of the four powers, which is I think, most deserving of attention:

Rome, September 7. "The undersigned has the honour to inform your excellency that he has received orders from his court to quit Rome, and to return to his post at Florence. The undersigned is also instructed briefly to express to your excellency the motives which have induced the English government to send him to Rome, and also the reasons for which he is about to quit that city. The English government has no direct interest in the concerns of the Roman States, and has never thought of interfering in them. It was invited by the cabinets of France and of Austria to take part in the negotiations at Rome, and it yielded to the entreaties of both those cabinets, in the hope that their good offices, when combined, would lead to the amicable solution of the dis cussions between the Pope and his subjects, and thus avoid the danger of war in Europe. The ambassadors of Prussia and of Russia at Rome, having subsequently taken part in these negotiations, the ambas sadors of the five powers were not long in discovering the chief vices of the Roman administration, and the remedies which they required. In May, 1831, they laid before the Papal government a memoir suggesting reforms, which they unanimously declared to be indispensable for the permanent tranquillity of the Roman States, and which the English government considered to be founded in justice and in reason. More than fourteen months have elapsed, and not one of their recommendations has been adopted or executed by the Papal government The edicts, even, which have been prepared or published, and which announce that some of these recommendations are about to be carried into effect, differ essentially from the measures specified in the memoir. The consequence of this state of things has been such as might be expected. The Papal government not having done anything to allay the popular discontent, it has augmented, and has been increased by the disappointment of the hopes which had been awakened by the nego tiations at Rome. Thus the efforts made for more than a year by the five powers to re-establish tranquillity in the Roman States have been made in vain. The hope of seeing the population voluntarily submit. ting to the Sovereign power is not stronger than it was at the commencement of these negotiations. The court of Rome appears to rely upon the temporary presence of foreign troops, and upon the co-operation which it expects from a corps of Swiss, for the maintenance of order. But foreign occupation cannot be indefinitely prolonged, and it does not appear that a corps of Swiss, such as the Papal finances could support, would be sufficient to control a discontented population. Even if tranquillity could be restored by these means, it could not be expected that it would be durable, and would besides never accomplish the objects entertained by the English government in taking part in the negotiations. Under these circumstances, the undersigned has received orders from his government to declare that his government no longer entertains any hope of success, and that the presence of the undersigned at Rome no longer having any object, he has been instructed to resume his post at Florence. The undersigned is besides directed to express the regret which he profoundly feels at not having been able for a year and a half to