disastrous warfare) no minister of England, except himself, has had the boldness to propose-which is fraught with such multifarious mischiefs, that the instant her great adversary had been subdued, England declared that she would no longer bear it-which, in its working, is admitted by its advocates to be most cruelly unjust-which establishes an inquisition almost as abominable as a religious one-which multiplies oaths-makes as familiar as mere household words that awful attestation by which, as we speak the truth, we call on God to help us converts the Gospel into a mere implement of finance-prostitutes to purposes the most vilifying that sacred book, which it is your boast that beyond all Christian nations you hold in reverence-which awards a premium to falsehood, and inflicts a penalty on truth-from which honesty cannot escape, and by which fraud cannot be caught, and which, of all the imposts which it is possible for a perverse ingenuity to devise, is the most prejudicial to the interests, offensive to the feelings, abhorrent to the religious sentiments, and revolting to the moral sense of the English people.

FACTORY BILL.

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE EDUCATION CLAUSE

MAY 18, 1843.

THE Roman Catholic population of this country is already so considerable, the Irish immigration into the factory districts is so great, that being a member of that Church, to which there exists in this country a tendency to revert, I think myself not unauthorised to take part in a discussion, with which the merits of the Factory Bill are so intimately connected. I frankly acknowledge, that considering the difficulties with which the government have to contend in reference to all questions relating to the Roman Catholic religion, a concession by no means unimportant has been made to us. It is not rendered imperative on Catholic children to read and to learn the authorised version of the Scriptures, as we entertain the opinion that the sacred writings ought not to be used as a school book, that the rudiments of literature ought not to be taught through its intervention, that an irreverent familiarity with holy writ may lead to its degradation; that the perusal of the Bible, unaccompanied with that interpretation which our Church has from the earliest foundation of Christianity, as we conceive, put upon passages which are either obscure or doubtful, is not judicious, and that the unqualified exercise of the right of private judgment must conduce to error; as we hold besides, that facts are recorded in the history of an exceedingly carnal people, which it can answer no useful purpose to bring within the cognizance of childhood, and from which modesty should instinctively turn away-these, I say, being our sentiments upon a question of much controversy, though differing from our view, you have been sufficiently just to make allowance for what you consider to be our mistake in this regard; and notwithstanding that in this country there prevails a very opposite opinion, although it has been made a point of Protestant honour, that without distinction of age, of sex, or circumstance, the sacred writings shall every where, and by every body, be indiscriminately perused, you have taken our conscientious difficulties into account, and have not insisted that against the will of Roman Catholic parents, their children shall be subjected to the compulsory acquisition of elementary knowledge through the medium of holy writ. That concession having been made, I own, that bearing in mind the incalculable importance of applying a remedy to the evils which result from the ignorance which is submitted to prevail in the factory districts, I felt that the measure proposed by her Majesty's government ought not to be resisted on any light and trivial ground, that it ought not to be made the subject of a mere political or sectarian struggle, and that a perverse ingenuity in devising arguments against it ought not to be indulged. I asked myself whether there was any real practical evil to be apprehended by those who are not in communion with the establishment, and I was anxious, if possible, that my own judgment should yield an acquiescence to the reasons which were urged in favour of the scheme propounded in its ameliorated form,

by the right honourable baronet. It is matter to me of unaffected regret, that after giving the plan the best consideratfon in my power, have not been able to arrive at a conclusion favourable to the measure; for while I am aware that the professors of my religion are exempt from the necessity of receiving instruction, in the sacred writings, in a form to which they object, I feel, in the first place, that an unnecessary and therefore illegitimate predominance was given to the church, and that it was my duty to look to the government plan, not merely with reference to the manner in which my own individual religion was affected, but to the general usefulness of the scheme, to its compatibility with the principles of religious liberty, the maintenance of which is as important as the diffusion of knowledge. Not only is the board constituted in such a way as to deprive Dissenters, although a majority of the rate-payers, of their just share of influence, but the master of the school, by whom the Scriptures are to be taught, must be, ex necessitate, a member of the church. Now, if it be right that Catholics should be exempted from the necessity of reading the Scriptures at all, it is just that Dissenters should be exempted from instruction through the medium of an episcopal delegate, in the Scriptures, of which the exposition is confided to him. The right honourable baronet took a distinction between expounding and interpreting, but it is of a character so subtile that no ordinary casuist could have struck upon it. Not only is an ascendancy given to the church against which a not unnatural pride on the part of Dissenters revolts, but opportunities of proselytism, the more dangerous because the better disguised, are afforded. The more accomplished, the more skilful, the more zealous the churchman is, the more likely he will be to avail himself of the facilities with which he will be obviously supplied. Would the right honourable baronet permit an adroit, persuasive Catholic to teach the Scriptures to a child in whose orthodoxy he felt a concern? I very much doubt it. He should, therefore, excuse Dissenters for objecting to the influence with which men will be endowed in public schools, whose dogmas are almost as much at variance with those of Dissenters as the doctrines of the Church of Rome. Putting all considerations of the progress which has been made by the dogmas of men who, to the honour of Dr. Pusey, are designated by a reference to his name, there is so signal a difference between the opinions of Dissenters and those of genuine churchmen upon the doctrine of succession, and the power of the priesthood founded on the Scriptures, that if there were nothing else, it would afford a reason for objection. The Bishop of Exeter, who is not, I believe, as yet attached to the Oxonian school of Theology, has, in his charge, claimed prerogatives and powers as great as any to which the most absolute prelate of the ancient church could put in his title. If even to the assumptions of that conspicuous Pontiff a Dissenter might reasonably object, the spread of Puseyism must awaken an a fortiori fear. It is notorious that although the external aspect of the church remains superficially the same, it has undergone a great internal change. Men of distin guished talent, of exemplary lives, of great learning and piety. have from motives the best and purest, made an eloquent announcement of

opinions, in more strict conformity with the tenets of the Catholic Church than with the principles of the Reformation. Those opinions have been adopted by laymen highly born and bred, remarkable for their proficiency in literature, for the gracefulness of their minds, and their persuasive manners. The new, or rather the revived doctrines have made great way among the clergy, who have begun to display the zeal, the energy, the devotedness and enthusiasm by which the missionaries of that church to which they have approximated, are distinguished. As yet these tenets have perhaps made no considerable progress among the mass of the people, but for the people those tenets possess great allurements. If Protestantism, says Madame de Staël, appeals to the understanding, Catholicism addresses itself to the heart. How largely have the Puseyites borrowed from that portion of our religious system, whose truth exalts, consoles-which raises us above the sphere of ordinary thinking, chases despair from anguish, restores to us "the loved, the lost, the distant and the dead," pours into minds the most deeply hurt the most healing balm, ministers to the loftiest hope, and awakens those imaginings, which, to use the Miltonian phrase, “brings all heaven before our eyes.' Aware of the attractiveness of our tenets, those who regard them as a delusion, not unnaturally conceive that against these allurements, more than ordinary caution is necessary, and tremble at the influence which may be exercised with so much facility at a period of life when the first and the most permanent impressions are confessedly made in the inculcation of doctrines for which they couceive that no scriptural sanction can be adduced. It may be said that their appre hensious are ill founded, and that care will be taken by the Prime Minister that no heterodox ecclesiastic shall be raised to the episcopal dignity; but, Sir, we must bear in mind that proof is almost every day afforded us of the appositeness of Lord North's remark, that "the first thing a bishop does is to forget his maker." Witness Dr. Daly, who was named a bishop in Ireland the other day, and immediately after poured out an anathema against the government scheme of education in Ireland. But even with regard to the prime minister's nomination, what security have the Dissenters got, beyond such intimations as a cheer affords? Among the supporters of the right honourable baronet, are there not men distinguished by their talents, with more than a leaning to the new theology? Nay, was not Lord Morpeth himself sternly reproved on one remarkable occasion for railing at the Oxonian Profes sors, by a distinguished gentleman, who is favourable to freedom in trade, but a monopolist of truth? And if it be thought that I ought not to refer to an incident so remote, and before the honourable gentlemar was in office, let me be permitted to ask, whether not many nights go, there were not remonstrances addressed to the member for Kent of a very significant sort, by gentlemen whom the cheering of the Prime Minister aid not deter from a confession of their creed? The fact is, it is hard to know who is, cr who is not a Puseyite. I have even heard it made a question whether the representative of Oxford himself does not to a certain extent, and more especially on the eve of a dissolution sympathise with the divines, by wliom so great and just an influence is

enjoyed in the learned localities where their talents and their devotion are pre-eminently displayed. I have heard it said that he must have a most difficult card, which few but himself could play; for my part, I do not believe that he is a Protestant in one college, and a pseudo-Catholic in another; I do not believe that he adopts any of those amenities for which a celebrated order in the Catholic Church, distinguished by their genius and erudition, are supposed to have had recourse for the advancement of truth: my opinion is, that while he adheres to the principles of genuine Protestantism, he is forgiven on his canvass for the sake of certain associations with Popery, which are irresistibly suggested by the honourable baronet. But whatever may be the religious predilections of the representative of Oxford, of the inclinations of Oxford itself there can be little doubt. Can we wonder then that the Dissenters should object to a surrender of their schools to the church, when the church itself derives its own instruction from what Dissenters consider a contaminated source? It is from these considerations that the fears of the Dissenters originate, and to those considerations we must ascribe the extraordinary excitement which has been manifested through the country, and the enormous mass of petitions with which your table has been loaded. The church-rate agitation was not comparable in its fervour, to that which we have lately witnessed. The Dissenters were far more disposed to give you up their money than their creed. Besides the payment of church-rates is an abuse which the law has long sanctioned, which time has consecrated, and which, if not venerable, is at all events hoary: but in the present instance you propose an innovation against the liberty of conscience, and utterly at variance with the spirit of modern legislation. This is a relapse into intolerance. Before the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, it might have been reasonable enough-no it would never have been reasonable, but it would have been consistent enough to have claimed this exclusiveness for the church:-but now it is anomalous indeed. The Tory party resisted the repeal of the Test and Corporation Act as long as they could: at length in 1828 the right honourable baronet at the head of her Majesty's government gave way, and passed a measure which was the precursor of emancipation. Having passed that measure, why does he upon a collateral question adhere to a policy wholly inconsistent with it? But on the part of the Home Secretary, the incongruity is still more glaring He was not driven into the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts: he supported the noble lord on his first introduction of the bill. You will tell me, perhaps, that the Test and Corporation Act has nothing to do with this bill. I answer that the great principle on which it was founded, of removing every obstruction which religious differences had created, is in direct antagonism to the basis of your scheme, and that it is most absurd that Dissenters should be admissible to this house, to every office of dignity and of influence under the crown, to the highest place in the cabinet itself, and yet should be excluded from all influence in those schools which are to be sustained by rates raised from those very Dissenters, upon whom this most offensive disqualification is to be inflicted. The schools are local, are to be supported by a local rate and not a