The Republican party, as well as we, are interested in putting some check upon this violence. It must be clear to every thinking man that a division of political power tends to check the violence of party action, and to assure the peace and good order of society. The election of a Democratic executive and a majority of Democratic members to the House of Representatives would not give to that party organization the power to make sudden or violent changes, but it would serve to check those extreme measures which have been deplored by the best men of both political organizations. The result would most certainly lead to that peaceful restoration of the Union and re-establishment of fraternal relationship which the country desires. I am sure that the best men of the Republican party deplore as deeply as I do the spirit of violence shown by those recently admitted to seats in Congress from the South. The condition of civil war which they contemplate, must be abhorrent to every right-thinking man. I have no mere personal wishes which mislead my judgment in regard to the pending election. No man who has weighed and measured the duties of the office of President of the United States can fail to be impressed with the cares and toils of him who is to meet its demands. It is not merely to float with popular currents without a policy or a purpose. On the contrary, while our Constitution gives just weight to the public will, its distinguishing feature is that it seeks to protect the rights of minorities. Its greatest glory is that it puts restraints upon power. It gives force and form to those maxims and principles of civil liberty for which the martyrs of freedom have struggled through ages. It declares the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses and papers, against unreasonable searches and seizures. That Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people to petition for redress of grievances. It secures the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. No man can rightfully enter upon the duties of the presidential office unless he is not only willing to carry out the wishes of the people expressed in a constitutional way, but is also prepared to stand up for the rights of minorities. He must be ready to uphold the free exercise of religion. He must denounce measures which would wrong personal or home rights, or the religious conscience of the humblest citizen of the land. He must maintain, without distinction of creed or nationality, all the privileges of American citizenship. The experience of every public man who has been faithful to his trust, teaches him that no one can do the duties of the office of President, unless he is ready, not only to undergo the falsehoods and abuse of the bad, but to suffer from the censure of the good who are misled by prejudices and misrepresentations. There are no attractions in such positions which deceive my judgment, when I say that a great change is going on in the public mind. The mass of the Republican party are more thoughtful, temperate, and just, than they were during, the excitement which attended the progress and close of the civil war. As the energy of the democratic party springs from their devotion to their cause and not to their candidates, I may with propriety speak of the fact, that never in the political history of our country has the action of any like body been hailed with such universal and wide-spread enthusiasm, as that which has been shown in relation to the position of the National Democratic Convention. With this the candidates had nothing to do. Had any others of those named been selected, this spirit would have been perhaps more marked. The zeal and energy of the conservative masses spring from a desire to make a change of political policy, and from the confidence that they can carry out their purpose. In this faith they are strengthened by the co-operation of the great body of those who served in the Union army and navy during the war. Having given nearly sixteen thousand commissions to the officers of that army, I know their views and wishes. They demand the Union for which they fought. The largest meeting of these gallant soldiers that ever assembled was held in New York and indorsed the action of the National Convention. In words instinct with meaning, they call upon the Government to stop in its policy of hate, discord, and disunion, and in terms of fervid eloquence they demand the restoration of the rights and liberties of the American people. When there is such accord between those who proved themselves brave and self-sacrificing in war, and those who are thoughtful and patriotic in council, I cannot doubt we shall gain a political triumph which will restore our Union, bring back peace and prosperity to our land, and will give us once more the blessings of a wise, economical and honest Government. I am, gentlemen, truly yours, &c., To Gen. G. W. MORGAN, and others, Committee, &c., &c. HORATIO SEYMOUR. GENERAL BLAIR'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. OMAHA, NEBRASKA, July 13, 1868. General GEORGE W. MORGAN, Chairman Committee National Democratic Convention. GENERAL: I take the earliest opportunity of replying to your letter, notifying me of my nomination for Vice President of the United States by the National Democratic Convention, recently held in the city of New York. I accept without hesitation the nomination tendered in a manner so gratifying, and give you and the committee my thanks for the very kind and complimentary language in which you have conveyed to me the decision of the convention. I have carefully read the resolutions adopted by the convention, and most cordially concur in every principle and sentiment they announce. My opinion upon all of the questions which discriminate the great contending parties have been freely expressed on all suitable occasions, and I do not deem it necessary at this time to reiterate them. The issues upon which the contest turns are clear, and cannot be obscured or distorted by the sophistries of our adversaries. They all resolve themselves into the old and ever-renewing struggle of a few men to absorb the political power of the nation. This effort, under every conceivable name and disgnise, has always characterized the opponents of the democratic party, but at no time has the attempt assumed a shape so open and daring as in this contest. The adversaries of free and constitutional government, in defiance of the express language of the Constitution, have erected a military despotism in ten of the States of the Union, have taken from the President the powers vested in him by the supreme law, and have deprived the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction. The right of trial by jury, and the great writ of right, the habeas corpus-shields of safety for every citizen, and which have descended to us from the earliest traditions of our ancestors, and which our revolutionary fathers sought to secure to their posterity forever in the fundamental charter of our liberties-have been ruthlessly trampled under foot by the fragment of a Congress. Whole States and communities of people of our own race have been attainted, convicted, condemned, and deprived of their rights as citizens, without presentment, or trial, or witnesses, but by congressional enactment of ex post facto laws, and in defiance of the constitutional prohibition denying even to a full and legal Congress the authority to pass any bill of attainder or ex post facto law. The same usurping authority has substituted as electors in the place of the men of our own race, thus illegally attainted and disfranchised, a host of ignorant negroes, who are supported in idleness with the public money, and combined together to strip the white race of their birthright, through the management of freedmen's bureaus and the emissaries of conspirators in other States; and, to complete the oppression, the military power of the nation has been placed at their disposal, in order to make this barbarism supreme. The military leader under whose prestige this usurping Congress has taken refuge since the condemnation of their schemes by the free people of the North in the elections of the last year, and whom they have selected as their candidate to shield themselves from the result of their own wickedness and crime, has announced his acceptance of the nomination, and his willingness to maintain their usurpations over eight millions of white people at the South, fixed to the earth with his bayonets. He exclaims, "Let us have peace." "Peace reigns in Warsaw" was the announcement which heralded the doom of the liberties of a nation. "The empire is peace,' exclaimed Bonaparte, when freedom and its defenders expired under the sharp edge of his sword. The peace to which Grant invites us is the peace of despotism and death. Those who seek to restore the Constitution by executing the will of the people condemning the reconstruction acts, already pronounced in the elections of last year, and which will, I am convinced, be still more emphatically expressed by the election of the Democratic candidate as the President of the United States, are denounced as revolutionists by the partizans of this vindictive Congress. Negro suffrage, which the popular vote of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Connecticut, and other States have condemned as expressly against the letter of the Constitution, must stand, because their Senators and Representatives have willed it. If the people shall again condemn these atrocious measures by the election of the Democratic candidate for President, they must not be disturbed, although decided to be unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, and although the President is sworn to maintain and support the Constitution. The will of a fraction of Congress, reinforced with its partizan emissaries Fent to the South and supported there by soldiery, must stand against the will of the people and the decision of the Supreme Court, and the solemn oath of the President to maintain and support the Constitution. It is revolutionary to execute the will of the people! It is revolutionary to execute the judg ment of the Supreme Court! It is revolutionary in the President to keep inviolate his oath to sustain the Constitution! This false construction of the vital principle of our Government is the last resort of those who would have their arbitrary reconstruction sway and supersede our time-honored institutions. The nation will say the Constitution must be restored, and the will of the people again prevail. The appeal to the peaceful ballot to attain this end is not war, is not revolution. They make war and revolution who attempt to arrest this quiet mode of putting aside military despotism and the usurpations of a fragment of a Congress, asserting absolute power over that benign system of regulated liberty left us by our fathers. This must be allowed to take its course. This is the only road to peace. It will come with the election of the Democratic candidate, and not with the election of that mailed warrior, whose bayonets are now at the throats of eight millions of people in the South, to compel them to support him as a candidate for the Presidency, and to submit to the domination of an alien race of semi-barbarous men. No perversion of truth or audacity of misrepresentation can exceed that which hails this candidate in arms as an angel of peace. I am, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, FRANK P. BLAIR. STATE GOVERNMENTS. The following table gives the name of the Governor of each State, his term of office and salary, the time each Legislature meets, and the date of the State Elections. Arkansas California. Georgia. Illinois Indiana lowa.. Kansas Kentucky Louisiana. Wm. H. Smith.. Jan. 1873, 5,000 1st Mon. in Jan. 1st Tu. in Nov.t 1st Mon, in Nov. 1st Wed. in Sept. 1st Mon. in Apr. 1st Tues. in Nov. 1st Tu. in Nov.t 1st Tues. in Aug. 1st Tu. in Nov.f 2d Tues. in Oct. 2d Tues. in Oct. 1st Tu. in Nov.t 1st Mon, in Aug. 1st Mon. in Nov. 2,000 Maine Maryland. John W. Stevenson.. Sept. 1871, 5,000 2d Mon. in Sept. 3,000 * In several States, a furnished house is also provided. 1st Tu. in Nov.t 2d Tues. in Oct. 1st Tu. in Nov.† 2d Tues, in Mch. 1st Tu. in Nov.t 1st Tu. in Nov.t 1st Th. in Aug.‡ 2d Tues. in Oct. 1st Mon. in June. 2d Tues, in Oct. 1st Wed. in Apr. 3d Wed. in Oct. 1st Th. in Aug. 1st Mon. in Aug. 1st Tues, in Sept. 4th Th. in May. 4th Th. in Oct. 1st Tu, in Nov.t + After 1st Monday. Time fixed by Constitution; the Legislature may change it. STATES AND TERRITORIES. 1. ALABAMA. Capital, Montgomery. Area, 50,722 square miles. Population, (1866), 946,244. This state was settled by the French at Mobile in 1713. It was a part of Georgia until 1802, and then included in Mississippi until March 3, 1817. It was admitted into the Union as a state, by act of Congress, December 19, 1819. An ordinance of secession was passed at a state convention, January 11, 1861, and declared null and void by another state convention, September 25, 1865. A provisional Governor was appointed by the President June 21, 1865 and withdrawn in favor of the state government, December 18, of the same year. This state was included in the 3d military district by act of Congress, March 2, 1867, and by an order of the President issued, March 15, was placed under the command of Maj. Gen. John Pope. He issued orders, August 31, for the election of delegates to a state convention for the purpose of establishing a constitution and civil government for the state. Delegates were appointed who assembled in convention, November 5, 1867, and prepared a constitution which was submitted to the people, February 4, 1868. This constitution received a majority of the votes cast, but not a majority of all the registered votes. The state was admitted to representation in Congress, by an act passed in both houses over the President's veto, June 25, 1868. The Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, Treasurer, and Attorney General, are chosen by the electors of the state on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. All hold office for two years except the Auditor, who is elected for four years. The House of Representatives must not exceed 100 members apportioned according to population, but each county is to have one member. The Senators must be not less than onefourth nor more than one-third of the number of representatives, to be elected from Senatorial Districts which are arranged according to population, and each district has one senator. Electors are eligible as representatives, but senators must in addition be 27 years of age. Term of office of representatives 2 years, and of senators 4 years. In all elections by the people, the vote is by ballot. All male citizens 21 years of age, who have resided in the state six months next preceding an election and have taken the oath to support the constitution and laws of the United States and Alabama, are entitled to vote. The constitution provides that all persons resident in the state, born in the United States or naturalized, who shall have legally declared their intention to become citizens of the United States, shall be citizens of the State of Alabama. Temporary absence from the state does not cause a forfeiture of residence. Militia. All able-bodied male citizens between the ages of 18 and 45 years are liable to military duty. The Governor is commander-in-chief. One Major General and three Brigadier Generals are appointed by the gov ernor by and with the consent of the senate. The Adjutant-General and other staff officers are appointed by the Governor. The militia is divided into two classes, volunteer force and reserve force. Officers and men receive no pay or emoluments when not in active service. JUDICIARY. The judicial power is vested in a Supreme Court, Circuit Courts, Chancery Courts, Courts of Probate, and such inferior courts as the General Assembly may establish from time to time. The Supreme Court which has appellate jurisdiction only, must be held at the seat of government twice every year. The constitution requires that the state be divided into circuits, each of which shall include not less than three or more than eight counties. A judge must be chosen for each circuit, who shall after his election reside in the circuit for which he shall have been chosen. Circuit Courts are held in each county twice every year. Judges of the Supreme Court, Circuit Courts, and Court of Chancery can hold no office (except judicial office) of profit or trust under the State or United States, during the term of office which is six years. The Circuit Court has original jurisdiction in all matters civil and criminal within the state, not otherwise excepted by the constitution, but in civil cases only when the matter or sum in controversy exceeds fifty dollars. Judges of the several courts, justices and constables, are elected by the people in each county. The Clerk of the Supreme Court is appointed by the judges. Clerks of Circuit and inferior courts are appointed by the people for six years. The attorney general must reside at the seat of government. A solicitor must be appointed for each county. Circuit Judge, Noah H. Swayne. Northern and Middle Districts, F. Bugbee. District Judge, Richard Busteed. District Attorney, ern District, Edward E. Douglass. Middle and Southern Districts, R. W. Healey. |