tion they further resolved, nemine contradicente," that for obtaining relief from the operation and execution of the Act of Parliament called the Stamp Act, humble petitions be presented to his Majesty, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons, as nearly similar to those drawn up by the late Congress as the particular circumstances of the colony will admit of." A committee was therefore appointed to draw up the three petitions, which, signed by William Nicoll, the Speaker, were forwarded, in the name of the House, to Mr. Charles and John Sargeant, the colony's agents in London.

But the action of the Assembly did not keep pace with the public requirements; at least, so thought the Sons of Liberty. On the 26th, a sealed letter was handed by an unknown person to Mr. Lott, Clerk of the House, directed "To MR. LOTT, MERCH'T. IN NEW YORK," and ran as follows:

"On receiving you are to read the in closed in the open Assembly of this Province New York as you are clark and whare of fail not on your perrel.

The inclosed letter was directed "To the General Assembly of the Province of New York," and was in the following words:

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, you are to Consider what is to be Done first Drawing of as much money from the Lieut. Governor's Sallery as will Repare the fort & on Spike the Guns on the Battery & the nex a Repeal of the Gunning Act & then there will be a good Militia but not before & also as you are asetting you may Consider of the Building Act as it is to take place nex yeare which it Cannot for there is no supply of Some Sort of materials Required this Law is not Ground on Reasons but there is a great many Reasons to the Contrary so Gentlemen we desire you will Do what lays in your power for the Good of the public but if you take this ill be not so Conceited as to Say or think that other People know nothing about Government you have made their laws and say they are Right but they are Rong and take a way Leberty. Oppressions of your make Gentlemen make us Sons of Liberty think you are not for the Public Liberty this is the General Opinion of the People for this part of Your Conduct.

"1765

"Nov'r 26

"by order

"Sign'd, one & all.

"FREEDOM."

Both of these letters--which, by the way, bear on their face unmistakeable evidence of their being designedly written in this illiterate manner, probably for the greater disguise-were laid before the House by the Clerk, who dared not refuse. But the Assembly were not disposed to have any such gratuitous advice; nor was their patriotism yet attuned to the same accord with that of the writer. However much, moreover, hey might be disposod themselves, to criticise the unpopular Colden, tthey did not choose to be instructed by the ironical suggestion in rela tion to the Lieutenant-Governor's salary and the spiked guns. They

* The entire absence of punctuation in the same letter, with the correct abbreviation of Sign'd and Nov'r., and the correct spelling of the more difficult words, show clearly the marks of design.

therefore resolved, that the said letters were rebellious, scandalous, and seditions; that they were designed to inflame the minds of the good people of the colony against their representatives; and that an address should be presented to the Governor requesting him to offer a reward of fifty pounds for their author or authors, that they might be brought to "condign punishment; " pledging themselves, at the same time, to provide the means of defraying the above reward.

On the 3d of December, the Governor, by Mr. Banyar, sent down a message to the House, in which the latter was informed that by the Mutiny Act, passed during the last session of Parliament, the expense of furnishing the King's troops in America with quarters and other necessaries, was to be defrayed by the several colonies. In consequence thereof the Commander-in-Chief had demanded that provision be made for the troops, whether quartered within or marching through the province; and it was now requested to make provision accordingly.

This request was at this time exceedingly inopportune. It involved a question which, in Lord Loudoun's time-when the country was engaged in a disastrous war, and when, therefore, there was a seeming necessity for such provision-had been productive of ill-feeling, and almost of riots. It may readily be seen, therefore, that when no such necessity existed, and when the public mind was in such an excited state, the Assembly were in no mood to comply. The message was accordingly referred to a committee of the whole House, of which Robert R. Livingston was the chairman. On the 19th they reported against it, on the following grounds that when his Majesty's forces were quartered in barracks belonging to the King, they were always furnished with necessaries without any expense to the counties in which they were quartered; and that if any expense was necessary for quartering troops on their march, and supplying them with what was required by the Act, the House would consider thereof after the expense was incurred. Sir Henry Moore was too prudent a man to press the matter further; and having satisfied his duty to the Crown by the formal demand for quarters, he allowed the matter to drop for the present.

The Sons of Liberty were still in the ascendant. The last week in November, two hundred of them crossed over to Flushing, and compelled the Maryland Stamp-Distributer, who had fled thither for safety, to sign a resignation of his office. In December, ten boxes of stamps were seized on their arrival in port and consumed in a bonfire. "We are in a shocking situation at present," wrote Alexander Colden to Sir William Johnson, with whom the former was on terms of intimacy, "and God knows how it will end. Its not safe for a person to speak, for their is no knowing friend from foe."

Opposition to the Stamp Act still continued. In January, 1766, a committee from the Sons of Liberty waited upon six persons in Albany and

requested them to take an oath that they would not accept the office of Stamp-Distributer. All but Henry Van Schaack, the Albany post-master, having complied, the mob went to the latter's house, a little below the city, broke the windows, furniture, and the piazza, and taking his pleasuresleigh into town, consumed it in a bonfire. Alarmed at these demonstrations, Van Schaack took the required oath, and the mob dispersed.

In New York City, the committee, of which Isaac Sears was chairman, were still active. Having astertained by their secret agents in Philadelphia that a merchant, Lewis Pintard, had sent to that city a mediterranean pass and a bond on stamped paper, they waited upon the merchant and also upon the naval officer who had given the pass, on the 12th of January, and compelling them to appear on the Common, forced them to swear before a crowd of eight thousand people, that the passes which they had signed and delivered were not stamped to their knowledge. Not satisfied, however, with this declaration, the committee conducted them to the coffee-house, before which a bonfire had been kindled, and obliged Pintard to commit the passes to the flames with his own hands. On the following day, Governor Moore, who, being of a timid. and amiable nature, had a dread of becoming unpopular, sent for one of the committee, and said, in the course of the conversation, that he hoped the "gentlemen, his associates," did not suspect him of being cognizant of the mediterranean passes. Upon being informed that they did not, the Governor further stated, that he had solicited this interview to assure the Sons of Liberty, that not only was he ignorant of that transaction, but that he would have nothing to do with any stamps whatever.

Alarmed at the rapid growth of republican principles in America, the seeds of which had been sown by its own folly, Parliament, on the 18th of March, repealed the obnoxious Act. The British Legislature, however, yielded not with a good grace. "The colonists," wrote Sir William Baker to the Baronet, "must not think that these lenient methods were brought about by the inducements of their violence."* Fearing, therefore, that their action would be misconstrued, Parliament hastened, almost simultaneously with the repeal of the Stamp Act, to pass a bill, declaring the absolute right the King and Parliament "to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the Crown of Great Britain in all cases whatsoever."

In the first delirium of delight at the repeal, the news of which was

"I hope the last session of Parliament has conciliated the North Americans to their mother country; but at the same time it must be expected from them obedience to the laws of this government. The colonists must not think these lenient methods made use of by that administration were brought about by the inducement of their violence; but was really the effect of conviction that the rash act past the two preceding sessions was unwarrantable and oppressive.”—M. S.; Sir William Baker to Johnson, Nov. 7th, 1766.

communicated to the colonists by their agents, on the 16th of May, the tendency of the Declaratory Act was not heeded. In New York City, especially, the populace seemed wild with joy. Bells were rung, a royal salute of twenty-one guns fired, and the city illuminated. On the 4th of June, the King's birthday, the Governor had an ox roasted whole, a hogshead of rum and twenty-five barrels of beer opened, and the people invited to join in the feast. On the same day a mast was erected, inscribed "To his most Gracious Majesty, George the Third, Mr. Pitt, and Liberty." But the enthusiasm of the people did not end here. On the 23d of June a meeting was held, at which a petition was signed by a majority of the citizens, requesting the Assembly to erect a statue to William Pitt, as a mark of their appreciation of his services in repealing the Stamp Act. That body entered fully into the feelings of the people; and besides complying with the wishes of their constituents, in relation to Pitt, they made provision for an equestrian statue to his Majesty, George the Third; and also voted their thanks, and a piece of plate, to John Sargeant," for his services as special agent," during the Stamp Act controversy.

The opening speech of Governor Moore to the Assembly, on the 12th of June, began by adverting to the general satisfaction diffused among the people by the repeal of the Stamp Act. It was the impression made on the minds of the people by this act of his Majesty's favor, that had induced the Governor, so early, to call the Legislature, in order to give them the earliest opportunity of making those acknowledgments of duty and submission, which, on such an occasion, his Excellency thought must arise in the bosom of every individual. It then spoke of the impositions upon the credulity of the people by the misrepresentations of artful and designing men. "Let it be your concern," it continued, "to undeceive the deluded, and by your example, bring back to a sense of their duty, those who have been misled, that nothing which can carry with it the least resemblance of former heat and prejudice may be suffered to prevail, and the minds of those who are too easily agitated be again disposed too a cheerful obedience to the laws, and to sentiments of respectful gratitude to the mother country." Their attention was next directed to the care of those unfortunate persons who had suffered from the "licentiousness of the populace for their deference to the British Legislature," and they were requested to make full and ample compensation for the goods and effects of the sufferers, that had been destroyed. This latter suggestion was owing to circular letters from the Minister to the provincial Governors, requesting the colonial Assemblies to show their "respectful gratitude for the forbearance of Parliament," by indemnifying those who had suffered injury in attempting to execute the late Act. In connection with the opening speech, petitions were handed in by LieutenantGovernor Colden and Major James, praying the Assembly to make good

their losses by the recent riots. These petitions were thereupon referred to a committee of the whole House, who reported favorably upon the claims of Major James, but passed over in silence those of the LieutenantGovernor-very much to the chagrin of the latter, who forthwith wrote a letter to Conway, begging him to lay his case before the King, that his losses might be recompensed by a pension.

The Governor now ventured again to request of the Assembly its compliance with the demands of the Ministry in relation to the quartering of troops, a large body of whom was shortly expected from England. But, although the House had joined with the Council in an humble address to the King, thanking him for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and although, moreover, it was perfectly willing to vote statues to his Majesty and William Pitt, it was no more disposed to comply with this demand, now that Parliament had yielded to its wishes, than it was at the previous session, when the Stamp Act was in full force. The House accordingly voted a series of resolutions similiar in tone to those passed November, 1765, and postponed further discussion on the subject until the troops had arrived. A second message, however, from Sir Henry Moore, induced it to alter its determination so far, as to state that the appropriations of 1762 were at his disposal, and might be applied towards providing barracks, fire-wood, and candles for two battalions and one company of artillery for one year. Beyond this, however, it would not go; and the Governor, while he was obliged to be content with this decision, wrote at the same time to the Lords of Trade, that its partial compliance was more the result of compulsion, than of gratitude for recent favors; and that, in his opinion, every act of Parliament, unless backed by a sufficient power to enforce it, would meet with the same fate.

Meanwhile, troubles had arisen in Dutchess County, which, although in no way connected with the issues between the colonies and the mother country, at first threatened serious consequences. In the beginning of 1766, the Stockbridge Indians, feeling aggrieved by the intrusions, as they claimed, of some of the people of Dutchess upon their lands, broke into the houses of the alleged trespassers, and turned their families out of doors. As is generally the case on such occasions, several of the vagabond class of whites, very ready for a fray, joined the rioters, and committed acts of violence throughout the country. The excitement now extended into Albany County; and the mob, now grown to formidable dimensions, threatened to attack New York City, and, indeed, actually began their march thither. In this exigency, General Gage (at that time Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's troops in America) ordered up, to meet the insurgents, the Twenty-eighth Regiment, which had just arrived from England. The appearance of the troops soon brought the rioters to reason; and having succeeded-though not without bloodshed-in restoring order, they returned to New York with the chief ringleaders of the rebellion.