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pressed the distinction between the State Governments and the people. The former would be the rivals of the General Government. The State Legislatures ought not, therefore, to be the paymasters of the latter.

Mr. ELLSWORTH. If we are jealous of the State Governments, they will be so of us. If on going home I tell them, we gave the General Government such powers because we could not trust you, will they adopt it? And without their approbation it is a nullity.229

On the question,-Massachusetts, * Connecticut, North Carolina, South Carolina, aye—4; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, no—5; New York, Georgia, divided; so it passed in the negative.

On a question for substituting “adequate compensation” in place of “fixed stipends,” it was agreed to, nem. con., the friends of the latter being willing that the practicability of fixing the compensation should be considered hereafter in forming the details. 230

It was then moved by Mr. BUTLER, that a question be taken on both points jointly, to wit, “adequate compensation to be paid out of the National Treasury.” It was objected to as out of order, the parts having been separately decided on. The President referred the question of order to the House, and it was determined to be in order,—Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, aye—6; New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Georgia, no—4; Massachusetts, divided. The question on the sentence was then postponed by South Carolina, in right of the State. 231

* It appeared that Massachusetts concurred, not because they thought the State Treasury ought to be substituted ; but becanse they thought nothing should be said on the subject, in which case it would silently devolve on the National Treasury to support the National Legislature

Col. Mason moved to insert "twenty-five years of age as a qualification for the members of the first branch.” He thought it absurd that a man to-day should not be permitted by the law to make a bargain for himself, and to-morrow should be authorized to manage the affairs of a great nation. It was the more extraordinary, as every man carried with him, in his own experience, a scale for measuring the deficiency of young politicians; since he would, if interrogated, be obliged to declare that his political opinions at the age of twenty-one were too crude and erroneous to merit an influence on public mea

It had been said, that Congress had proved a good school for our young men. It might be so, for any thing he knew; but if it were, he chose that they should bear the expense of their own education.

Mr. Wilson was against abridging the rights of election in any shape. It was the same thing whether this were done by disqualifying the objects of choice, or the persons choosing. The motion tended to damp the efforts of genius and of laudable ambition. There was no more reason for incapacitating youth than age, where the requisite qualifications were found. Many instances might be mentioned of signal services, rendered in high stations, to the public, before the age of twenty-five. The


present Mr. Pitt and Lord Bolingbroke were striking instances.

On the question for inserting “twenty-five years of age,”—Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, aye,–7; Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Georgia, no -3; New York, divided.232

Mr. GORHAM moved to strike out the last member of the third Resolution, concerning ineligibility of members of the first branch to office during the term of their membership, and for one year after. He considered it unnecessary and injurious. It was true, abuses had been displayed in Great Britain ; but no one could say how far they might have contributed to preserve the due influence of the Government, nor what might have ensued in case the contrary theory had been tried.

Mr. BUTLER opposed it. This precaution against intrigue was necessary. He appealed to the example of Great Britain; where men get into Parliament that they might get offices for themselves or their friends. This was the source of the corruption that ruined their government.

Mr. King thought we were refining too much. Such a restriction on the members would discourage merit. It would also give a pretext to the Executive for bad appointments, as he might always plead this as a bar to the choice he wished to have made.

Mr. Wilson was against fettering elections, and discouraging merit. He suggested, also, the fatal consequence in time of war, of rendering, perhaps, the best commanders ineligible; appealed to our situation during the late war, and indirectly leading to a recollection of the appointment of the Commander-in-Chief out of Congress.

Colonel Mason was for shutting the door at all events against corruption. He enlarged on the venality and abuses, in this particular, in Great Britain ; and alluded to the multiplicity of foreign embassies by Congress. The disqualification he regarded as a corner-stone in the fabric.

Colonel HAMILTON. There are inconveniences on both sides. We must take man as we find him; and if we expect him to serve the public, must interest his passions in doing so.

A reliance on pure patriotism had been the source of many of our errors. He thought the remark of Mr. Gorham a just one. It was impossible to say what would be the effect in Great Britain of such a reform as had been urged. It was known that one of the ablest politicians (Mr. Hume) had pronounced all that influence on the side of the Crown which went under the name of corruption, an essential part of the weight which maintained the equilibrium of the Constitution.

On Mr. Gorham's motion for striking out “ineligibility," it was lost by an equal division of the votes,-Massachusetts, New Jersey, North Carolina, Georgia, aye-4; Connecticut, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, no—4; New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, divided.

Adjourned. 233

SATURDAY, June 23p.

In Convention, the third Resolution being resumed,

On the question, yesterday postponed by South Carolina, for agreeing to the whole sentence, " for allowing an adequate compensation, to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States,"—Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, aye—5; Connecticut, New York, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, no—5; Georgia, divided. So the question was lost, and the sentence not inserted.231

General PINCKNEY moves to strike out the ineligibility of members of the first branch to offices established" by a particular State.” He argued from the inconvenience to which such a restriction would expose both the members of the first branch, and the States wishing for their services; and from the sinallness of the object to be attained by the restriction. It would seem from the ideas of some, that we are erecting a kingdom to be divided against itself: he disapproved such a fetter on the Legislature.

Mr. SHERMAN seconds the motion. It would seem that we are erecting a kingdom at war with itself. The Legislature ought not to be fettered in such a case.

On the question,-Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye-8; Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Delaware, no—3.

Mr. Madison renewed his motion, yesterday made and waived, to render the members of the first branch “ineligible during their term of service, and for one year after, to such offices only, as should be established, or the emolument augmented, by the


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