The omission of the slice of Bessarabian territory from the understanding' is more ominous, and conveys important lessons. It was transferred to Roumania in 1856 in conformity, so far as the facts are known, with the nationality of the inhabitants. It is now to be carried back to Russia by an arbitrary arrangement between belligerents. In securing this small and thoroughly illegitimate object, Russia has spent much of the strength, which she might and ought to have used in fortifying her position for the defence of the great liberating aims of the war. Instead of this, at the most critical moment, when the whole leverage to be used against her depended upon a balance of military considerations, she drove five millions of Roumanians, whose territory commanded her communications, out of her alliance, and into the ranks of any or all who would oppose her. Her conduct is to be severely censured, in point alike of prudence and of principle. But what of ours? It sharply illustrates the folly of our trusting to separate, instead of European, action upon Russia. Had we gone at once into Congress, we might have rallied, on this question, all the Powers except Austria, which never yet lifted a hand for freedom, and which we are told) has long ago let Russia know that the Bessarabian affair was not an Austrian interest. But now we have apparently shut ourselves out, by a prior act, from a determined resistance to Russia on this subject, or on any other omitted from the understanding.' We have thus prevented such a concert of authority as might have been effectual in inducing Russia to desist from a proceeding, of which the injustice is as gross, as the profit is insignificant.

There remains the case of Montenegro. She has beaten her Turkish enemy in the field. Will she beat her Austrian enemy in the Cabinet ? It is idle to plead honourable or moral considerations : the question is, what is the present position and power of Austria ?

Three months ago, Russia, after portentous efforts, found herself in a position at once of victory and of peril. The circumstances still made Turkey her enemy potentially and in will. Austria, from similar causes, was half an enemy already, and might be a whole one. She was sure to exact from Russia as much as her power permitted ; and the measure of her power was inversely as the amount of pressure upon Russia from other quarters. In this state of things, we threw ourselves, provisionally, into the pro-Turkish and pro-Austrian scale. But all through this complicated affair we have been far more dangerous to our friends, than to our enemies. Relying upon her seeing us already committed against Russia, she spurned the overtures of that Power, and seemed, amidst the applause of London journals, to dismiss General Ignatieff with a fool's cap on his head. Strong in what she thought her back-ground, she raised her terms to a point that Russia could not stand, and among them, it is believed, her VOL. III.—No. 16.

4 H

terms respecting Montenegro, which the strictest considerations of honour bound and astricted Russia to befriend. She forgot, it seems, that the utmost she could force Russia to do was to make a choice between England and herself, and close with the State that might appear the least unreasonable. She believed the assertion of our metropolitan newspapers, that our vital interests were involved in oversetting the treaty of San Stefano. Perhaps the famous despatch of Lord Salisbury rivetted this delusion. The consequence has been that Russia turned towards England, and that, once brought face to face, the two parties found that after all they had but little to contend about; so they have agreed. Austria has outwitted herself. She is wounded by the shaft (to follow Lord Byron's metaphor) which is winged with her own feather. I will not attempt to decide whether it is an eagle's quill, or the quill of another bird.

But, at all events, the course of the English Government and people on the entire question of the Christian liberties is now clear, if they are united. To Austria, beyond the obligations of universal justice, we owe absolutely nothing. With Russia, so says authority, we are agreed. To Turkey we should positively be doing injury by maintaining her in the nominal exercise of any powers, except such as she can peacefully and permanently enjoy. The Congress will have before it, at the best, a most difficult and complicated work. Every hope of completeness and durability must depend upon its being executed in the spirit of a paramount regard for local liberties, and based upon their amplitude and solidity. In the whole range of the Eastern countries, there is no single claim comparable in its sacredness to the claim of Montenegro, which demands the means of national respiration by being permitted to enjoy the fruit of her own labours in an access to the sea. If Antivari be unsuitable, let Austria restore to her the port of Cattaro, so cruelly taken from her with our dishonourable complicity. The conduct of our Government in regard to Montenegro will be a crucial test. I cannot doubt they will fearlessly follow at once the justice and the reason of the case. It will be taken by the country as a sufficient assurance that, in the whole matter, the weight of England will be thrown into the scale of justice and of freedom. Our past controversies will then be forgotten like the sorrows of a child. It will be seen that neither domestic nor foreign jealousies are allowed to impair the moral force of the nation. Every sordid aim is in itself a weakness; and alike for our smaller controversies in England, and for the vast interests of the suffering millions in the East, a cloudy and a stormy day will end in the serenity of a golden sunset.

W. E. GLADSTONE. May 28, 1878.

INDEX TO VOL. III.

Τ

The titles of articles are printed in italics.

BRA

6

ABS
ABSOLUTION, by the Dean of Atomicities, chemical doctrine of, 724
Westminster, 183–195

Austria, The Armies of Russii and, by
Adler (Rabbi Hermann), Can Jews be General E. B. Hamley, 844–862
Patriots ? 637-646

Austria, her interest in the Eastern
Prof. Goldwin Smith's reply to, 875– question, 589, 601

887
Æschylus, Agamemnon, transcribed by

Robert Browning, noticed, 384–385
Air (Atmospheric), liquefaction of, by B
)

BABE
ABBAGE'S experiment with muria-

tic acid, 550
Albert, Prince Consort, his views on Barracks, English objection to, 98, 443
army organisation, 112-114

Barrackmaster-General's Department es-
Alliance of the three Emperors a dynas- tablished without the sanction of
tic alliance, 570

Parliament in 1792, 100
Allingham (William), Songs, Ballads, Barry (Rev. Canon), The Good and Evil
and Stories,' noticed, 397

of Examination, 647–666
America, Impressions of, by R. W. Dale. Bastian (Dr. H. Charlton), researches

Society, 457–474; II. Politics, on spontaneous generation, 29
757-778; III. Popular Education, Spontaneous Generation, a Reply,
949-968

261-277
Andrews (Thomas), on the relation be- Beaconsfield (Earl of), a member of the

tween the gaseous and liquid condi- Westminster Club in 1834, 913
tions, 553

- his opinion on Colonial policy, 1076
Appeal (Court of Criminal), great need Beaufort (W. H. de), Germany and
of, 178

Holland, 402-422
Arch (Joseph), Labourers and the Vote, Belief, Prof. Clifford's views on the
48-52

ethics of, criticised, 532
Armenia, How the Turks rule, by Dr. Bell (George Joseph), Mrs. Siddons as
Humphry Sandwith, 314-329

Lady Macbeth, 296–313
Armies of Russia and Austria, by Gene- Birmingham Liberal Association, or the
ral E. B. Hamley, 844-862

"Six Hundred,'921
Army (Our), and the People, by John Blachford's (Lord), article on the
Holms, 97-114; 355-369

Integrity of the British Empire' re-
Army (English), 14, 97–114, 433-456 ferred to, 1085
in India, 231

- Lord Blachford and Mr. Love, The
(French), 6

British Empire, by Sir Julius Vogel,
(Prussian), 3, 106, 355, 449

617--636
Arnold (Arthur), Business Aspect of Bland's (Mr.) Silver Bill, 771
Disestablishment, 733-756

Brassey (Thomas), Round the World in
Asia, Russian conquests in, beneficial to the Sunbeam' (conclusion), by
the conquered, 611

Thomas Brassey, 667–686

6

-

-

DIN

FRA
Dinocerata, characteristics of the group, on, by Alexander Mc Ewen, 423-424
1146

proposed English occupation of
Disestablishment, Business aspect of, by Egypt, 782
Arthur Arnold, 733-756

Elam (Dr.), Man and Science, a Reply,
Scotch and Papal Aggression, by the 687-711
Rt. Rev. Charles Wordsworth, Bishop An answer by Prof. Clifford, 978-980
of St. Andrews, 475–496

Ellicott (Bishop), Readjustment of
Disraeli (Mr.), a member of the West- Church and State, 1878-1119
minster Olub in 1834, 913

Energy, Force, and Will, by Prof.
his opinion on Colonial policy, 1076 Mivart, 933-948
Doran (Dr.), Shakespeare in France, England as a Military Power in 1854 and
115-135

1878, by Sir Garnet Wolseley, 433–
Du Châtelet (Madame) and Voltaire, 456

by Mrs. Eliza Clarke, 1052-1073 England's Policy at the Congress, by
Ducis, his French versions of some of Edward Dicey, 779–796
Shakespeare's plays, 122-134

' Epic (The) of Hades,' noticed, 388-391
Duff (M. E. Grant), The Situation, 571- Espada (Jiminez de la), on the vocal sacs
590

of the Rhinoderma Darwinii, 565–566
A Modern Symposium, 808-814 Evolution, doctrine of, in what form it

should be taught to children, 725

- light thrown on, by the history of
EAST (Major C. J.), The Armed mammals, 1145
Strength of France, reviewed, 1

answer to the latest conclusions of,
Eastern Question, The Life of Midhat

691
Pasha, by Captain Gambier, 71-96

Eucharist, The, by the Dean of West-
The Peace to come, by the Rt. Hon. minster, 823-843
W. E. Gladstone, 209–226

Examination, the Good and Evil of, by
- How the Turks rule Armenia, by Dr. the Rev. Canon Barry, 647-66
H. Sandwith, 314-329
· Note on article on •Egypt and the
Khedive,' by A. Mc Ewen, 423-424

TACTORIES and Workshops Bill of
J. Lemoinne ; 2, by M. E. Grant Duff Faraday's researches upon the liquefac-
The Paths of Honour and of Shame,

by