and diftributing i into different depofitories, and conftituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against Inve ions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; fome of them in our Country, and under our own eyes. To preferve them must be as neceffary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the People, the diftribution or modification of the Constitutional Powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Conftitution Defignates. But let there be no change by ufurpation; for though this, in one intance, may be the inftrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which Free Governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly over-balance, in permanent evil, any partial or tranent benefit which the ufe can a any time yield."

Of all the difpofitions and habits which lead to political profperity, Religion and Morality are indifpenfable fupports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotifm, who fhould labour to fubvert these great pillars of human happinefs, thefe firmelt props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connection with private and public felicity. Let i fimply be asked, where is the fecurity of property, for reputation, for life, if the fenie of religious obligation defert the Oaths, which are the inftruments of investigation in Courts of Juttice? And let us with caution indulge the fuppofition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reafon and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclufion of religious principle.

'Tis fubftantially true, that virtue or morality is a neceflary spring of popular Government. The rule indeed extends with more or less torce to every fpecies of free Government. Who that is a fincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to flake the foundation of

the fabric

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffufion of knowledge. In proportion as the ftructure of Government gives force to public opinion, it is effential that public opinion fhould be elightened.

As a very important fource of firength and fecurity cherish public credit. One method of preferving it is to ufe as iparingly as poilible; avoiding occafions of expence by cultivating Peace, but remembering alfo that timely difburfements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater difburicments to repel it; avoiding likewife the accumulation of debt, not only by thunhing occations of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to difcharge the debts, which unavoid◄ able Wars may have occafioned, not ungenerously throwing upon poderity the burden, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execu tions of thefe maxims belongs to your reprefentatives, but it is neceffary that public opinion fhould co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is effential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be a revenue: that to have revenue, there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or lefs inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinfic embarrallment infeparable from the felection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decitive motive for a candid conftruction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a fpirit of acquiefence in the meafures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Obferve good faith and juftice towards all nations, cultivate peace

and

and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct: and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no great diftant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the courfe of time and things the fruits of fuch a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be loft by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas is it rendered impoffible by its vices?

In the execution of fuch a plan, nothing is more effential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies againft particular Nations, and paffionate attachments for others thould be excluded; and that in place of them juit and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in fome degree a flive. It is a flave to its animolity or to its affection, either of which is fufficient to lead it aftray from its duty and its intereft. Antipathy in one nation against another difpofes cach more readily to offer infult and injury, to lay hold of flight caufes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractible, when accidental or trifling occations of difpute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obftinate, envenomed and bloody contefts. The nation, prompted by ill will and refentment, fometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the beft calculations of policy. The Government fometimes participates in the national propenfity, and adopts, through paffion, what reafon would reject; at other times, it makes the animofity of the nation subfervient to projects of hoftility inftigated by pride, ambition, and other finitter and pernicious motives. The peace, often, fometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So likewife a paflionate attachinent of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the intution of an imaginary common intereft, in cafes where no real common intereft exits, and infufing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to conceffions to the favourite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the conceflions; by unneceffarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a difpofition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens, who devote themfelves to the favourite nation, facility to betray, or facrifice, the intereds of their own country, without odium, fometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous tense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the bafe or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As the avenues to foreign influence, in innumerably ways, fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practite the arts of feduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils? Such an attachment of a finall or weak, towards a great or powerful nation, dooms the former to be the fattellite of the latter.

Against the infiduous wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens) the jealoufy of a free people ought to be

conftantly

conftantly awake; fince history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a Republican Government. But that jealoufy to be useful must be impartial; elfe it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Exceflive partiality for one foreign nation, and exceffive diflike of another, caufe those whom they actuate to fee danger only on one side, and ferve to veil and even to second the arts of influence on the other. Real patrio's, who may reift the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become fufpected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interefts.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poflible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.-Here let us ftop.

Europe has a fet of primary interefts, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence he must be engaged in frequent controveries, the caufes of which are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collifions of her friendships, or enmities.

Our detached and diftant fituation invites and enables us to purfue a different courfe. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take fuch an attitude as will caufe the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon, to be fcrupulously refpected; when Belligerent Nations, under the impoffibility of making acquifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our intereft, guided by justice, fhall counfel.

Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fituation? Why quit our own to ftand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our definy with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalihip, interest, humour or caprice.

'Tis our true policy to fleer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronifing infidelity to exifting engagements. I hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public, than to private affairs, that honefty is always the belt policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be obferved in their genuine fenfe. But, in my opinion, it is unneceffary and would be unwife to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by fuitable establishments, on a refpectable defenfive pofture, we may fafely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourfe with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and intereft. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither feeking nor granting exclufive favours or preferences; confulting the natural courfe of things; diffufing and diverifying by gentle means the ftreams of commerce, but forcing nothing; eftablishing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to give trade a frable courfe, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to fupport them, conventional rules of entercourie, the best that prefent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall diétate; constantly keeping in view,

that

that 'tis folly in one nation to look for difinterefied favours from another: that it must pay with a proportion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by fuch acceptance, it may place itfelf in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. 'Tis an illufion which experience muft cure; which a juft pride ought to difcard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, thefe counfels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impreffion I could with; that they will control the ufual current of the pallions, or prevent our nation from running the courie which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn again the michiels of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impoftors of pretended patriotifm; this hope will be a full recompence for the folicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the difcharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct muft witness to you and to the world. To myfelf, the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myfelf to be guided by them.

In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe, my Proclamation of 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your Reprefentatives in both Houfes of Congrefs, the fpirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perfeverance and firmnefs.

The confiderations which refpect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impofe on every nation in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of intereft for obferving that conduct will beft be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predomi nant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progrefs without interruption, to that degree of ftrength and confiftency, which is necellary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of Adminifiration, I am unconfcious of intentional error; I am neverthelels too fenfible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I fhall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an up

right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to obli vion, as myfelf muft foon be to the manfions of refst.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is to natural to a man, who views in it the native foil of himfelf and his progenitors for feveral generations; I anticipate with pleating expectation that retreat, in which I promite myfelf to realize, without alloy, the fweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I truft, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

United States,

Sept. 17, 1796.

(Signed)

G. WASHINGTON.

Refcript, addreffed by his Imperial Majefty to the Duke of Wurtem. berg, dated the 10th of July, 1796.

"WE received the letter you wrote us upon the 23d of laft menth.

You there prefent your good advice with a refpectful franknefs. You oblerve, that it only depends upon us to fecure the happinefs and the fafety of Germany; that a fpeedy peace can alone diffipate the violent form which impends over the country; that this alone can remove the dangers which in fo many ways threaten the Germanic Contitution; in fine, that this alone can put a period to th fe unparalleled miferies under which humanity fo long has groaned. At the fame time you acquaint us, that if in thefe difficult circumftances the danger approaches ftill nearer your states, you will have no refource but to fubmit to the law of nece:lity, and to make a separate peace with France.

"The Empire, in truth, defires with ardour, and has long entertained this with, the return of peace, but connected with the juft feeling of its honour, its dignity, its independence. In this with it only comprehends a peace, equitable, juft, fuitable, and worthy to be accepted, which reits upon the folid basis of the perfect fupport of its integrity and its conititution, agreeably to ancient treaties. At the fame time, by a proper refpect for thefe fundamental laws, it has never ceased to render its withes and its refolutions upon this fubje&t fubordinate to the rigorous condition, that peace fo ardently defired fhould not be concluded but agreeably to the conftitution, in a moft perfect and invariable concert between the Emperor and the States. The refolutions of the diet of the 22d of December, 1794, and of July last year, become laws of the Empire in virtue of our Imperial function, very pointedly attelt this referve; and the fame fpirit ferves as a foundation to the full powers and authorities for peace which have been fubmitted for our ecceptance, in virtue of the refolution of the Diet of the 7th of October, 1795, as well as for the annexed inftructions to the Deputies of the Empire, at the Congrefs for peace; intructions which effentially proceed upon the re-establishmeet of a peace juft, honourable, fiable, permanent, and common to the whole Empire, and which have pointedly and exprefsly, as their object, the maintenance of the Empire, upon the footing on which it flood before the mifunderaandings which arofe with France, under the fpecial recommendation to obferve ancient trca

ties.

"After having thus expreffed in a manner equally conftitutional and agreeable to the interetts of the Germanic Empire, its fentiments with regard to the re-establishment of peace, the General Diet, full of refpectful confidence in our paternal folicitude for the common advantage of Germany, entreated us to negotiate, as well in our own name as in that of the Germanic Body, the preliminaries of peace. We were very well difpofed to act agreeably to thefe defires; but the fequel proved that

the