creatures. God forbid, that you should be intimidated at this iniquitous law, which is calculated to ruin what was a mutual benefit to you and us. This must convince you what you are to expect, if you submit to the most shocking set of men that England can produce. You now see their humanity. Rouse up then with a just indignation, and exercise your militia. Watch your governor and council. The new assembly is to be composed of such creatures as will give up the people's rights, and join in the most horrid plot against them. What a melancholy reflection, that the riches and trade of a great nation should be abused and turned to the destruction of themselves and the colonies!

In short, the king is determined to be as absolute as the French king, and with the most obstinate head and bad heart, has set himself against the people, whom he will not see, keeping himself retired from his subjects, in pride and ignorance. He has discarded men of veracity from all places of profit and honor, and filled their offices with a set of the most abandoned villains on earth. These are they who advised him to break his oath with the people, for which they are despised by the nation. If you hold out a few months, England will rise and do you justice, as well as relieve themselves from those accursed tyrants, who want to corrupt you, and deprive you of both liberty and property.

There are two hundred and eighty-five members of parliament, who are all paid with the people's money to vote whatever Lord North proposes, and he has his lesson from eight more, who compose a club, that meets in the most private manner, in the night, at Mrs. Keens, near the palace, where they have a box, which contains the papers that pass between his majesty and them. The king overlooks their schemes and corrects them, as well as gives orders how to proceed for the future. Hutchinson is consulted, and to their shame, Governor Colden, Penn, and Martin, who have written such letters to Lord Dartmouth, that the king has appointed them to meet at New York, in order to join with your other lying spirits in betraying the colonies. To complete which villany, Lord North has made a motion in parliament, as if he intended to promote peace with the colonies; but it is to deceive them, and the people of England too. It is intended to defeat the salutary advice of the Congress, which does credit to British America!

Set the press immediately to work, and publish to the world the wicked designs of the king and his councillors; that you despise their slavish schemes, and are determined to preserve your laws and religion.

Encourage the brave people of Massachusetts Bay to act worthy of their noble ancestors!

I have the pleasure to assure you, that the noble lords with whom I have conversed, all join you in contempt of the junto here. You are desired to let the colonies know that there is a deep plot formed to divide them, and deceive the people into a compliance. But tell them that you want not their trade nor protection at the expense of your liberty.

You will see, by the papers, the treatment Lord Chatham's plan met with. Those lords, who advised the king to declare you rebels, and appointed

Messrs. Hancock, Adams, &c., &c., have gone so far as to say that Chatham shall fall a sacrifice to their designs, &c.

I know there is public virtue among you. I know your fondness for England will not let you believe the wicked designs that are meditating against you; but I do now, in the presence of God, warn you that the king has no good intentions towards you, but what you oblige him, by your own wisdom and virtue, to have. Take care of yourselves, and act as the wise and brave have done in all ages when oppressed by tyrants. Resist unto blood, all who attempt to betray you.

The parliament have registered Colden's and Penn's letters; look to them, and see for yourselves. Believe the court your worst enemies. Be much on your guard.

Yesterday, Doct. Fothergill and Mr. Barclay were so pressed in spirit, that they went to Lord North, and told him that the bill for prohibiting the fishery, was so horrid and inhuman an act, that the nation would rise and oppose it: and that if it did pass into a law, it would be a scandal to humanity, and perhaps occasion a revolt. They plead two hours with him, but to no purpose.

The bill is to be read a third time on Tuesday; so that in five days this horrid bill passes into a law, without any further consideration. Oh, America! Oh, England!

The ministry, in order to quiet the mob, ordered an inflammatory pamphlet to be burnt at Guildhall, which drew off the people, whilst the bill passed in parliament.

A report is sent into the city that the transports are stopped. This is to quiet the merchants. But the officers are gone down in private coaches, of other people, and America is to be divided and driven into compliance, before England is apprised of it.

Lord North has just given out that he will resign, and at the same time says that he fears nothing from the people, unless it be the breaking of his coach doors, or some such trifle, and no resistance of importance from the city, only a clamor, which he has often experienced. He expects that this manœuvre will quiet the people on both sides of the water.

Goods are shipped in the transports with the officers' baggage, marked Rex, and under the protection of the king's troops, who are to land them, and protect the trade.

North Carolina is to be a store house, it is said. Support the committee, and watch the officers of the customs, &c. Your friends are afraid that you will be surprised into compliance. The offers of peace were only to raise the stocks, which had fallen. They are now four per cent. higher on account of the report.

The council sat up all night, in order to find out ways and means to conquer Virginia, and procure tobacco. Great offers will be made to those who will raise it, &c.

Men of large fortunes are afraid to oppose government, least the bank should fail, which is said to be in danger.

The interest of the year 1774, is not paid.

Many of the people are your most hearty friends, but the king is your greatest enemy. Be not deceived by his low cunning; act wisely, and the wicked plot will break on the heads of those who want to destroy you.

The king is his own secretary; he gets up at six o'clock every morning, to send off his box, with remarks, on a bit of paper tied round each order: four of the ablest lawyers are constantly with him, whose business it is to advise and search for precedents, to screen his head, and throw the blame on the parliament.

Two millions have been squandered in bribery and corruption. The crown has nothing to fear but the hunger of the poor.

A steady adherence to the proceedings of the Congress will save England and America.

Beware of Gov. Penn, who has had offers made him to comply with the designs of the court.

Send this to Boston immediately. Mr. Hancock's lands are already divided among the officers.

Lord Dartmouth is your bitter enemy, and determined to destroy the liberties of America.

All the wise wish that you may attend to the advice of the Congress.

MARCH 1, 1775.

Part of the troops now ordered for embarkation here and Ireland, are to rendezvous at New York, to make it a place of arms, securing the defection of that province, from the general alliance in the cause of freedom and every thing that is dear to man; and to prevent the communication between Virginia, Maryland, and the other southern colonies, with New England; when Gen. Gage, with such assistance as he may get from New York, is to subdue those colonies by a garrison and place of arms, with the assistance of Quebec, to rule with a rod of iron all the slaves of America.

Without the concurrence of New York, this scheme can never be carried into execution, of which every gentleman and man of knowledge in this kingdom is fully convinced; therefore, on your virtue, in a great measure, it depends, whether America shall be free, or be reduced to the most abject and oppressive servitude, worse than that of Egyptian bondage, in which you must inevitably be involved, if you lend your aid to enslave your brethren in the other colonies.

I have to inform you that the bill for preventing the four colonies and provinces of New England from fishing, getting any provisions from the other colonies, or carrying on any commerce whatever to any part of the world, except to Great Britain, Ireland, or the British West Indies, will finally pass the House of Commons to-morrow, and is to take place the first of next July. You may also depend, that in a few days, another bill will be brought in to prohibit any of the other colonies from carrying on any trade whatever with each other, or to any other part of the world, except to Great

Britain, Ireland, or the British West Indies, which will probably take place in July also therefore, you will act accordingly, and let this be publicly known.

LONDON, MARCH 1ST, 1775.

The measures of the ministry will, I hope, do more towards uniting the colonies, than any efforts of America itself. You will easily perceive their wicked intentions to divide, as well as their designs after that hoped for division. They have high hopes of success, from the last accounts from New York. I trust the people of that province will soon displace those rascally and treacherous tories in your assembly, who dare thus negatively encourage the system of despotism now adopted for your government. The wisdom of the Congress, and the firmness of the people, give the strongest assurances of future conduct. Several names are made use of here as authorities to warrant the defection of America. Pray print this short hint for the observation of the honest men among you. I need not endeavor to expose the baseness or folly of the present men in office, for they take care to do it themselves.

The foregoing were at first, intended only to be communicated to the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, but on more consideration, it was judged best to inform those of Connecticut also, leaving them to forward the account to Concord with the utmost despatch.

Joseph Hawley to Thomas Cushing.

NORTHAMPTON, FEB. 22, 1775.

DEAR SIR:-Since I left Cambridge, I have had many thoughts on the state of this province, and the continent; and suffer me to say, Sir, that the time is in fact arrived, when we are to drop all chimerical plans, and in our contemplations thoroughly to think down and pervade every step that is proposed for practice; to judge of its practicability, and, as far as possible, to view all its consequences. With this conviction, I have been most seriously contemplating the commission and most important trust of our committee of safety, and especially that branch of it which relates to their mustering the minute men and others of the militia, when they shall judge that the late acts of parliament, viz.: the regulation act, and the murder act, are attempted to be carried into execution by force. A most critical, most important, most arduous trust this. Here let me observe, that the soldiers, when thus mustered by the said committee, who have this power devolved on them by the representative body of the province, will suppose it is their duty to fight; they therefore, will only deliberate how to fight to advantage. They will not consider the question, whether or not the time is that they ought to fight;

they will suppose that the continent have devolved the resolution of that question upon this province, and that this province have devolved it on the committee of safety, and that the committee, by calling them, have decided it. They will judge, that if they should decline fighting when they are called for that intent, their honor and courage will be impeached. The soldier therefore, will probably, at all events, fall on. Thus, hostilities will be commenced; which we must suppose, will, thenceforward, continue, and be most vigorously pushed, until the fate of America be decided: hostilities in which we must have the vigorous and persevering assistance of the other colonies, or we must sink under them. Suffer me then to ask, whether it will not be the height of presumption to enter on such a scene with no other assurance or security of such effectual and continued aids as will be absolutely necessary, than what is contained in a resolution of about six lines, and they consisting of terms and expressions not the most definite, or of certain and precise meaning? The words used in the resolution to state the case wherein hostilities are to be commenced, are, in my opinion, by far too loose, to wit: "when the acts shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force," as well as the words made use to secure the aid of the colonies, to wit: "all America ought to support them in such opposition," not that they will actually support them, but a mere declaration that it would be reasonable and just that such support should be afforded. Is this a treaty offensive and defensive of sufficient precision to make us secure of the ef fectual aid of the other colonies in a war with Great Britain? Besides, by whom was this declaration or engagement, such as it is, made? Was it by delegates specially authorized and instructed to make an engagement of this sort? Who knows whether the respective constituent bodies will avow this declaration? Moreover, it ought to be well considered, with regard to all the other colonies, excepting Connecticut and Rhode Island, what situation they are in to fulfil an engagement of this sort, in case they were generally disposed to come into it. Do'nt we all say, that this province cannot levy, subsist, and pay an army sufficient to afford us any hopes of present resistance, without a legislature which the people will cheerfully submit to? Is not that precisely the case with all the other colonies, the two above mentioned excepted? Have they not as much to do to assume a new government, every one of them, in order to levy, subsist, and pay their respective quotas of an army, as we have? Nay, would not the success of an attempt of this sort be more precarious in every one of them than in this province, as their people cannot be supposed so thoroughly to apprehend the necessity of it as ours may be supposed to do? Are they oppressed and affected with the new measures as we are? Will not their governors obstruct and labor to embarrass every attempt of the kind as much as ours? Will they not have as many friends to government to assist them, as there are here? Can it, therefore, be much short of madness and infatuation in us, to enter on a scene of this sort in the present state of affairs? Nay, is it not obvious, therefore, that actual hostilities must be suspended, if possible, until the con