not in point of honor to their allies refuse their consent so requested, as any rivalship or punctilios, between her and Great Britain, as European nations, (principles which too frequently disturb the peace of mankind,) could not be considered as casus fœderis of the American alliance; and their pride as a belligerent power would not permit them to claim the assistance of America as necessary to their support, thereby proclaiming their nation unequal to the contest in case of the continuance of a war with Great Britain after the settlement and pacification with America. Their consent therefore is to be presumed. But if they should demur on this point, if Great Britain should be disposed to concede tacit independence to America by a long truce and the removal of the troops, and if the obstruction should evidently occur on the part of France, under any equivocal or captious construction of a defensive treaty of alliance between America and France, Great Britain would from thenceforward stand upon advantage ground, either in any negociation with America, or in the continuance of a war including America, but not arising from any farther resentments of Great Britain towards America, but imposed reluctantly upon both parties by the conduct of the Court of France. These thoughts are not suggested with any view of giving any preference in favor of a separate treaty above a general treaty, or above any plans of separate but concomitant treaties, like the treaties of Munster and Osnaburgh, but only to draw out the line of negociating a separate treaty in case the British ministry should think it necessary to adhere to that mode. But in all cases it should seem indispensable to express some disposition on the part of Great Britain to adopt either one mode or the other. An absolute refusal to treat at all must necessarily drive America into the closest connexion with France and all other foreign hostile powers, who would take that advantage for making every possible stipulation to the future disadvantage of British interests, and above all things would probably stipulate that America should never make peace with Great Britain without the most formal and explicit recognition of their Independence, absolute and unlimited. A " { T PRIVATE JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS, as kept by Dr. FRANKLIN, relative to the Negociations for Peace between Great Britain and the United States of Ame rica, in the period between the 21st of March and the 1st of July, 1782. : 1 As since the change of ministry in England, some serious professions have been made of their disposition to peace, and of their readiness to enter into a general treatý for that purpose; and as the concerns and claims of five nations are to be discussed in that treaty, which must therefore be interesting to the present age and to posterity, I am inclined to keep a journal of the proceedings as far as they come to my knowledge, and to make it more complete will first endeavour to recollect what has already past. Great affairs sometimes take their rise from small circum stances. My good friend and neighbour Madame Brillotr being at Nice all last winter for her health, with her very amiable family, wrote to me that she had met with some English gentry there whose acquaintance proved agreeable; among them she named Lord Cholmondeley, who she said had promised to call in his return to England, and drink tea with us at Passy. He left Nice sooner than she sup posed, and came to Paris long before her. On the 21st of March I received the following note. "Lord Cholmondeley's compliments to Dr. Franklin, he sets out for London to-morrow evening, and should be glad to see him for five minutes before he went. Lord C. wili call upon him at any time in the morning he shall please to appoint. "Thursday Evening, Hotel de Chartres." I wrote for answer that I should be at home all the next morning, and glad to see his Lordship, if he did me the honor of calling upon me. He came accordingly. I had before no personal knowledge of this nobleman. We talked. of our friends whom he left at Nice, then of affairs in England, and the late resolutions of the Commons on Mr. Conway's motion. He told me that he knew Lord Shelburne had a great regard for me, and he was sure his Lordship would be pleased to hear from me, and that if I would write a line he should have a pleasure in carrying it. On which I wrote the following. : TO LORD SHELBURNE. : Passy, March 22, 1782, Lord Cholmondeley having kindly offered to take a letter from me to your Lordship, I embrace the opportunity of assuring the continuance of my ancient respect for your talents and virtues, and of congratulating you on the returning good disposition of your country in favor of America, which appears in the late resolutions of the Commons. I am persuaded it will have good effects. I hope it will tend to produce a general peace, which I am sure your Lordship with all good men desires, which I wish to see before I die, and to which I shall with infinite pleasure contribute every thing in my power. Your friends the Abbé Morellet, and Madame Helvetius are well. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. t Soon after this we heard from England that a total change. had taken place in the ministry, and that Lord Shelburne was come in as Secretary of State. But I thought no more of uny letter till an old friend and near neighbour of mine, many years in London,1 appeared at Passy, and introduced a Mr. Oswald, who he said had a great desire to see me; and Mr. Oswald after some little conversation gave me the following letters from Lord Shelburne, and Mr. Laurens. DEAR SIR, London, April 6, 1782. : I have been favored with your letter, and am much obliged by your remembrance. I find myself returned nearly to the same situation, which you remember me to have occupied nineteen years ago, and should be very glad to talk to you as I did then, and afterwards in 1767, upon the means of promoting the happiness of mankind; a subject much more agreeable to my nature, than the best concerted plans for spreading misery and devastation. I have had a high opinion of the compass of your mind, and of your foresight. I have often been beholden to both, and shall be glad to be so again, so far as is compatible with your situation. Your letter discovering the same disposition has made me send to you Mr. Oswald. I have had a longer acquaintance with him, than even I have had the pleasure to have with you. I believe him an honest man, and after consulting some of our common friends, I have thought him the fittest for the purpose. He is a practical man, and conversant in those negociations, which are most interesting to mankind. This has made me prefer him to any of our speculative friends, or to any person of higher rank. He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give full credit to every thing he assures you of. At the same time if any other channel occurs to you, I am 1 Caleb Whiteford, Esq. ready to embrace it. I wish to retain the same simplicity and good faith, which subsisted between us in transactions of less importance. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your faithful and most obedient servant, ! 1 SHELBURNE. FROM HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. DEAR SIR, London, April 7, 1782. Richard Oswald, Esq. who will do me the honor of delivering this, is a gentleman of the strictest candor and integrity. I dare give such assurance from an experience little short of thirty years; and to add, you will be perfectly safe in conversing freely with him on the business which he will introduce; a business in which Mr. Oswald has disinterestedly engaged from motives of benevolence; and from the choice of the man a persuasion follows that the electors mean to be in earnest. Some people in this country, who have too long indulged themselves in abusing every thing American, have been pleased to circulate an opinion that Dr. Franklin is a very cunning man; in answer to which I have remarked to Mr. Oswald, " Dr. Franklin knows very well how to manage a cunning man, but when the doctor converses or treats with a man of candor, there is no man more candid than himself." I do not know whether you will ultimately agree in political sketches, but I am sure, as gentlemen, you will part very well pleased with each other. Should you, Sir, think it proper to communicate to me your sentiments and advice on our affairs, the more ample the more acceptable, and probably the more serviceable. Mr. Oswald will take charge of your dispatches, and afford a secure means of conveyance; to this gentleman I refer you for general information of a journey which I am imme |