every thing material that passes on the subject. But the ministry by whom Digges pretends to be sent being changed, we shall by waiting a little see what tone will be taken by their successors, You shall have a copy of the instructions by the next courier. I congratulate you cordially on the progress you have made among those slow people. Slow however as they are, Mr. Jay finds his1 much slower. By an American, who goes in about ten days to Holland, I shall send you a packet or correspondence with Mr. Hartley, though it amounts to little. With great esteem, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. DEAR SIR, Passy, March 31, 1782. I have just received your favors of March 11 and 12, forwarded to me by Mr. Digges, and another of the 21st per post. I congratulate you on the returning good disposition of your nation towards America, which appears in the resolutions of parliament, that you have sent me: and I hope the change of your ministry will be attended with salutary effects. I continue in the same sentiments expressed in my former letters; but as I am but one of five in the commission, and have no knowledge of the sentiments of the any direct propositions made to Doctor Franklin will be equally attended to. Mr. Digges leaves these memorandums with Lord Shelburne for the purpose of his Lordship communicating them to any others of the present administration whom Mr. D. has not the honor to know. The Spaniards. others, what has passed between us is to be considered merely as private conversation. The five persons are Messrs. Adams, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson, and myself; and in case of the death or absence of any, the remainder have power to act and conclude. I have not written to Mr. Laurens, having constantly expected him here, but shall write to him next post; when I shall also write more fully to you, having now only time to add, that I am ever, with great esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. TO DAVID HARTLEY, Esg. M. P. MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, April 5, 1782. I wrote a few lines to you the 31st past, and promised to write more fully. On perusing again your letters of the 11th, 12th, and 21st, I do not find any notice taken of one from me dated February 16. I therefore now send you a copy made from it in the press. The uncertainty of free transmission discourages a free communication of sentiments on these important affairs; but the inutility of discussion between persons, one of whom is not authorized, but in conjunction with others, and the other not authorized at all, as well as the obvious inconveniences that may attend such previous handling of points, that are to be considered when we come to treat regularly, are with me a still more effectual discouragement, and determine me to waive that part of the correspondence. As to Digges, I have no confidence in him, nor in any thing he says or may say of his being sent by ministers. Nor will I have any communication with him, except in receiving and considering the justification of himself which he pretends he shall be able and intends to make, for his excessive drafts on me on account of the relief I ordered to the prisoners, and his embezzlement of the money. You justly observe in yours of the 12th, that the first object is to procure a "meeting of qualified and authorized persons," and that you "understand ministry will be ready to proceed towards opening a negociation as soon as the bill shall pass, and therefore it is necessary to consult of time and place, and imanner and persons on each side." This you wrote while the old ministry existed. If the new have the same intentions, and desire a general peace, they may easily discharge Mr. Laurens from those engagements which make his acting in the commission improper, and except Mr. Jefferson who remains in America and is not expected here, we the Commissioners of Congress can be easily got together ready to meet yours at such place as shall be agreed to by all the powers at war, in order to form the treaty. God grant that there may be wisdom enough assembled to make, if possible, a peace that shall be perpetual, and that the idea of any nations being natural enemies to each other may be abolished for the honor of human nature. With regard to those who may be commissioned from your government, whatever personal preferences I may conceive in my own mind, it cannot become me to express them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With such, a peace may be speedily concluded. With contentious wranglers the negociation may be drawn into length and finally frustrated. I am pleased to see in the votes and parliamentary speeches, and in your public papers, that in mentioning America the word reconciliation is often used. It certainly means more than a mere peace. It is a sweet expression. Revolve in your mind, my dear friend, the means of bringing about this reconciliation. When you consider the injustice of your war with us, and the barbarous manner in which it has been carried on, the many suffering families among us from your burning of towns, scalping by savages, &c. &c. will it not appear to you, that though a cessation of the war may be a peace, it may not be a reconciliation? Will not some voluntary acts of justice and even of kindness on your part have excellent effects towards producing such a reconciliation? Can you not find means of repairing in some degree those injuries? You have in England and Ireland twelve hundred of our people prisoners, who have for years bravely suffered all the hardships of that confinement rather than enter into your service to fight against their country. Methinks you ought to glory in descendants of such virtue. What if you were to begin your measures of reconciliation by setting them at liberty? I know it would procure for you the liberty of an equal number of your people, even without a previous stipulation; and the confidence in our equity, with the apparent good will in the action, would give very good impressions of your change of disposition towards us. Perhaps you have no knowledge of the opinions lately conceived of your king and country in America; the enclosed copy of a letter will make you a little acquainted with them, and convince you how impossible must be every project of bringing us again under the dominion of such a sovereign. With great esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esg. : SIR, Passy, April 8, 1782. Since my last an extraordinary revolution has taken place in the court of England. All the old ministers are out, and the chiefs of the opposition are in their places. The newspapers that I send will give you the names as correctly as we yet know them. Our last advices mention their kissing hands; but they had yet done nothing in their respective offices, by which one might judge of their pro jected measures; as whether they will ask a peace of which they have great need, the nation having of late suffered many losses, men grown extremely scarce, and Lord North's new taxes proposed as funds for the loan, meeting with great opposition; or whether they will strive to find new resources, and obtain allies to enable them to please the king and nation by some vigorous exertions against France, Spain, and Holland. With regard to America, having while in opposition carried the vote for making no longer an offensive war with us, they seem to have tied their own hands from acting against us. Their predecessors had been tampering with this court, for a separate peace. The king's answer gave me, and will give you great pleasure. It will be sent to M. de la Luzerne, and by him be communicated to congress. None of their attempts to divide us met with the least encouragement: and I imagine the present set will try other measures. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.. TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esg. SIR, Passy, April 12, 1782. Being at court on Tuesday, I learnt from the Dutch minister, that the new English ministry have offered, through the minister of Russia, a cessation of arms to Holland, and a renewal of the treaty of 1674. M. de Berkenroode seemed to be of opinion that the offer was intended to gain time, to obstruct the concert of operations with France for the ensuing campaign, and to prevent the conclusion of a treaty with America: it is apprehended that it may have some effect in strengthening the hands of the English party in that country, and retard affairs a little, but it is hoped that the proposal will not be finally agreed to. It would indeed |