so far as the South is concerned, but raise a shield to protect the more guilty North, whose guiding policy was expediency and necessity to promote the ends of unity, thereby prostituting the principles of liberty, social rights, common honesty, the sacred virtues of christianity, and the laws of the infinite God to the influence of the almighty dollar, and subjecting themselves to the direst displeasure of the Almighty, who has now come out of his place to make inquisition for blood. The above course is exceedingly wicked and foolish as well as prejudicial to society, since it creates animosity and strife, and produces feelings of alienation as well as those of rancorous malignity. But were there no means of averting so terrible a catastrophy, or mitigating the severity of the divine proceedure?

SEPARATION.

Yes. These were the one to go to the right of Mason and Dixon's line; and the other to the left. There was plenty of land to be possessed, millions of acres inhabited only by Indians and buffaloes, where each might develope their resources, and fulfil their "manifest destiny," without encroaching upon each other's rights.

The objects sought to be attained by the Northern and Southern peeple were, as already shewn, antagonistical in their free trade and protectionist policies and theories.

As an able writer in the

New York Tribune declared in 1854, "the Northern portion of the Union seeking for protection against the cheap labour system of Europe, and the Southern portion clinging to the British free trade system."

Invidious comparisons were instituted, namely, that each bore each other on their "shoulders." The Southerns maintaining in a pamphlet called the "Union past and present," published at Charleston in 1850, "that the Northerns had the use of one hundred and forty millions of Southern capital; and the disbursement of twenty millions of Southern taxes;" so that once separated from the North, the writer in the pamphlet referred to declares "Southern trade would revive and grow like a field of young corn when the long expected showers descend after a withering drought; their ports be crowded with shipping and their warehouses crammed with merchandise; also that the use and command of the above large capital would enable them to cut canals, make roads, tunnel mountains, and drive the iron horse through the remotest valleys till the desert should blossom like the rose.' The Northerns, in reply, according to the articles referred to in the New York Tribune, avowed that "North of Mason and Dixon's line of the Ohio; and of thirty-six thirty, we have land sufficient for hundreds of millions of inhabitants. We need population, and the surest way to bring it is to afford to the people of Europe reason for believing that by coming here

they will be enabled to earn higher wages than they can obtain at home; and enjoy in greater perfection the advantages of freedom. Every person that comes here is worth to the community all he costs to raise; and the average cost of the men, women, and children we import is certainly not less than a thousand dollars. Northern policy, even as it is now carried out, attracts nearly 400,000 emigrants annually, few or none of whom would come under an entire Southern policy; and to this vast immigration is to a great extent due the fact that in Illinois, the increase in the value of property in the year 1853 over that of 1852 was fifty-eight millions of dollars; or more than five times as much as the annual value of that portion of our trade with the Sonth. Had the Northern policy been fully carried out we should now be importing double our present rate, and every man so imported would be adding to the value of Southern products by consuming thrice, and perhaps five times as much cotton and sugar as he consumed at home. At the same time they would be adding to the value of Northern land and labour to the extent at least the sum we have named, or an amount of four hundred millions of dollars, being more than twenty dollars per head of the present population of the States we have assigned to a Northern Union. Adding this quantity to those already obtained, we feel disposed to place the loss of the North from the continuance of the Union at about forty dollars per head."

Emigration, therefore, in its relationship to protection as the means of working it out, is well understood in America by Chambers of Commerce and manufacturers; and also by the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, as shewn in the following letter addressed by him to Thomas Bayley Potter, Esq., Manchester, England, and published in the Examiner and Times, March 7, 1865, along with an introductory letter from Mr. Potter.

EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES.

"To the Editor of the Examiner and Times.'

Pitnacree, Dunkeld, March 4, 1865. "MY DEAR SIR,-I have this day received the enclosed letter from the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, which I shall be glad if you will publish in your valuable paper.

"The high character of Mr Beecher, and the undoubted standing of many of the gentlemen connected with the American Emigrant Company, justify me in laying before my fellow-countrymen this letter with the fullest confidence.

"I wish the ruling class in this country would take timely warning and do full justice to labour at home, both socially and politically, rather than permit it to be diverted to other lands. Apply the principle of free trade, which simply means impartial justice and unrestricted competition, to land,

and the laws and customs which regulate its tenure here, as well as to every department of church and state, and we should not then see many of the best of our labouring class expatriated from their native country. All privileges held by the few which can be proved to be detrimental to the many are as unsafe as they are unjust.—I am, my dear sir, yours truly, THOMAS B. POTTER.

Brooklyn, New York, Jan. 16, 1865. "Dear Sir, I believe I am rendering a service, not merely to a very trustworthy and honourable association, but to the depressed labouring classes of great Britain, in commending the American Emigrant Company to your confidence, and that of the British public.

"This company is composed of gentlemen of the highest social and pecuniary standing; many of whom I know personally, and some of whom are among my best friends. It has been organised for the purpose of supplying the demand for labour in this country (so great that it has sometimes been spoken of as a labour famine) with the over-abundant labour of Europe; thus rendering a service of great value to employers here, and of still greater value to the ill-paid and ill-fed labourers there. No undertaking was ever based upon a more legitimate demand for it, and the machinery employed by the company is admirably adapted to its end.

It receives orders from manufacturers, and others