ty. The black prince, Memnon, who served among the Trojan auxiliaries at the siege of Troy, (probably an Egyptian prince,) is constantly spoken of by the Greek and Latin writers, as a person of extraordinary beauty, and is qualified as the son of Aurora, or the Morning. There are, in short, no traces of any prejudice whatever against the color of the blacks, like that which has grown up in modern times, and which is obviously the result of the relative condition of the two races. This prejudice forms at present, as was correctly observed by President Madison in one of his speeches in the late Virginia Convention, the chief obstacle to the practical improvement of the condition of that portion of them who reside in this country. If they were of the same race with ourselves, the process of emancipation would be rapid, and almost imperceptible, as happened in Europe, when the mass of the population passed, in the course of two or three centuries, from a state of villenage to that of personal independence, with so little trouble or commotion, that there are scarcely traces enough left in the history of the times to inform us of the means by which the change was immediately accomplished.

I have enlarged a little, Mr. President, upon the effect which the operations of this Association. in connexion with other causes, is likely to produce upon the civilization of Africa, because it is to me the most interesting aspect, under which the Association can be considered. Other gentlemen may prefer to view it under others, but this is the result which seems to be likely to prove the most important and salutary. I was not, Mr. President-if so humble an individual may be permitted to allude to his own private sentiments, upon a subject of so much interest-I was not, in the first instance, very favorably impressed in regard to the character of this institution. Looking at it as it has been sometimes represented, as intended chiefly to remove from this country the colored portion of the population, I was inclined to consider it as an inadequate instrument for effecting an object in itself impracticable, and which, if it could be effected, would be, after all, of doubtful utility. The pecuniary means at the disposal of the Association never have been, and probably never will be, sufficient to pay the expenses of the transportation to Africa of a tenth part of the annual increase of the colored people. It is quite clear, therefore, that there could be no prospect of ever making any approach, in this way, to a removal of the whole mass. And, Sir, if this could be effected, why should we desire it? Is there not ample room and verge enough in our vast territory for the whole population of all colors, classes, and descriptions? Is it not our true policy rather, as far as possible, to induce emigration from abroad, than to endeavor to remove two or three millions of our present inhabitants? Whatever may be the case in the crowded countries of the Old World, here at least, thank God, there is no pressure of population upon the means of subsistence. Sir, it is literally true in this country, that the harvest is many and the laborers few. And this being the case, shall the little accident of the different color which it has pleased Providence to give to their complexion, render an entire variety of our fellow-men so odious to us, that we cannot abide them in the same continent? Suppose, Sir, that you or I, or any individual, had it in his power, by a mere act of the will, to change the color of the whole black race to white, would it be a proof of good sense and good feeling to exercise the power? Suppose that an individual had it in his power by an act of the will, to change all the black eyes in this assembly to blue, or all the white and yellow roses in our gardens to red? Would he think it worth while to exercise it? Sir, one of these operations would be just as judicious as the other. The attempt to break down the beautiful variety that pervades all the works of Providence into a tame and monotonous sameness, is every way objectionable. To desire the removal of two millions of our population, merely because their complexion is different from that of the rest, would be inconsistent with any correct principles of taste, morals, or political economy. No Sir, I am quite willing that the colored people should remain with us. What we really ought to desire is, that their present political situation should be improved, that they should be, in the language of Curran, redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled-that they should be plac ed, in short, on an equal footing in point of civil and political rights, with all the other inhabitants of our favored country. This, Sir, is a change which ought to be effected—which must, at some time or other, be effected-which, I have no hesitation in saying, will at no very distant period be effected. By what means it is to be brought about, I shall not undertake to anticipate. The selection of these must be left to the intelligence and liberality of the States

which are now the immediate sufferers under this great evil. The operation of curing it is too delicate to be advantageously undertaken by any foreign hand. That it will pretty soon be undertaken and carried through by the States most immediately interested, may be looked upon as a matter of absolute certainty. Independently of the higher motives of humanity, justice, generosity, and love of freedom, so congenial to the noble character of our Southern brethren, we have a strong assurance of this in the fact, that their own immediate interest is: deeply engaged in taking this measure. The conviction is every day more and more strongly and generally felt at the South, that this is the real plague spot, which corrupts the secret sources of their prosperity. Other causes may, to a certain extent, have co-operated in checking the progress of this part of the country, but it is now pretty generally acknowledged, that the real and only effective evil is Slavery. It is this, Sir, and not the Tariff, that throws a blight over the fair face of one of the most favored regions of the globe, and exhibits it in respect to wealth and comfort, under so unpleasant a contrast with other much less fertile portions of the Union. The conviction of this truth has already taken deep root at the South, particularly in the distinguished and leading state of Virginia. Its final result will be the complete emancipation of all the slaves.

Without co-operating directly in effecting this object, which is not within their sphere of action, the Colonization Society gives, indirectly, a very important and effectual aid in bringing it about. By cutting up the infamous traffic in human flesh at the roots, it prevents the increase of the evil, which would otherwise be occasioned by clandestine importations. By establishing Colonies of free and civilized blacks in Africa, and raising the general standard of civilization on that continent, it will gradually remove the prejudice against the col ored race, and place them in public opinion where they ought to stand-upon a footing of perfect equality with their brethren of the great human family In proportion as these objects are accomplished, the task of final emancipation will be comparatively easy, and may be ultimately effected almost without effort. By looking at the Association under this point of view, I have been led, Sir, to correct the impression which I had originally formed of it, and to consider itas it is generally considered by the enlightened citizens of our country—as one of the most valuable and important of our benevolent Associations.

I am aware, Sir, that some objections have lately been raised against the objects and modes of proceeding of this Association, especially in this part of the country. It is not my purpose to enter at length into an examination and refu tation of those objections. The length of time during which I have already trespassed upon your patience, would render it improper, and I must leave this part of the subject to be treated in detail by some of the gentlemen who may follow me, and who will doubtless do it justice. I will merely remark, that giving full credit to the members of other Associations for the goodness of their intentions, and without inquiring too minutely whether their language and pro ceedings have, on every occasion, been marked by the perfect discretion so es sential to any effectual step in this delicate business, it is difficult to see why they should think it necessary to impeach the motives and attack the proceedings of an Institution, which is pursuing with zeal, steadiness, and thus far, with signal succes, a kindred object, that not only in no way interferes with, but greatly promotes and facilitates, the one at which they profess to aim. Do the gentlemen, who are so anxious for the immediate abolition of slavery, suppose that this most desirable consummation will be retarded by completely eradicating the slave trade, and proving the capacity of the colored people for civilization and freedom, by that best of all possible tests-example? Sir, the operations of the Colonization Society will do more than any other cause to give encouragement to all the efforts that may be made with discretion and judgment for the improvement of the condition of the slaves. I cannot but hope, that reflection and experience will gradually satisfy such of our fellowcitizens in this neighborhood as are now disposed to doubt the expediency of our efforts. In the mean time, Sir, the opposition which we have to encounter here, has at least this good effect, that it affords to our Southern brethren the best evidence they could possibly have, that this Institution is managed with the necessary discretion and moderation. When they find it attacked, as too favorable to the interests of the proprietors of slaves, by men whom we may perhaps, without offence, denominate the indiscreet friends of freedom and hu manity, they will naturally conclude that we have observed, in our proceed,

ings, the caution which the nature of the object so imperiously dictates, and that our errors, if we have committed any, are on the safe side.

Permit me, sir, before I close, to congratulate you and the Association upon the manner in which the vacancy, occasioned in the Presidency of the Association by the lamented decease of the last Signer of the Declaration of Independence, has been recently filled. The venerable sage of Montpelier, Mr. Madison, has consented, by accepting this place, to lend the sanction of his great name to this good cause. It would be quite superfluous, Sir, to attempt to enlarge on the value of this sanction, or to recapitulate the numerous titles which this eminent statesman and patriot has acquired to the esteem and confidence of his country. This last labor will close, in a truly consistent and honorable manner, the serene, and, I trust, long to be protracted evening of his glorious life. The concerns of the Association, Mr. President, as we have just learned from the able Report of the Agent, are in every respect in a very flourishing condition. The Colony has surmounted the difficulties incident to every new establishment of this description, and has reached a point from which its future progress may be regarded as comparatively easy and sure. The order and comfort prevailing among its inhabitants have already excited the admiration of the neighboring Africans, and created a strong impression in favor of civilization, improvement, and Christianity. The liberality of some of the states has furnished an abundant supply of additional resources, and every appearance seeins to prognosticate, for the Association, a career of constantly augmenting activity and usefulness. Let me hope, Mr. President, that no inauspicious event may occur to blast these fair prospects, and that we may witness, within our own time, some of the great results which this Association is destined to produce abroad and at home.

Rev. J. N. DANFORTH, on rising to second the resolution offered by Mr. EVERETT, remarked that he had expected to have the pleasure of seeing this done by Dr. J. C. WARREN, who had sent a note to the Meeting, which he held in his hand, and which he would ask permission to read.

[This note apologized for unavoidable absence, and expressed a lively interest in the objects of the Society.]

Mr. D. proceeded to explain an item in the Report, which seemed not to be understood by some of the assembly. It referred to the appropriation by the Massachusetts Board, during the past week, of six hundred dollars, for purposes of education in Liberia, and the reservation of four hundred more to be placed in charge of the Committee of Correspondence, Rev. Messrs. MALCOM and GANNETT, and to be applied at their discretion to the advancement of education in the Colony. Such benefactions, Mr. D. said, were WORTHY THE CITY OF BOSTON, which had ever been first in cultivating the intellect, and thereby giving it power over the world. He hoped such appropriations would be multiplied by the generosity of the inhabitants of this city.

On motion of WILLIAM LADD Esq. of Maine, seconded by CHARLES TAPPAN, Esq. of this city,

Resolved, That the American Colonization Society merits the confidence and patronage of all who are opposed, on principle, to slavery.

MR. PRESIDENT,

I have been prevailed upon to address the Society this year, chiefly by a desire to correct a very erroneous statement of opinions which I uttered last year on

a similar occasion. I do not accuse any one of wilfully misstating my sentiments, the reason of the error was perhaps, the confused manner of my deliv ering my sentiments, occasioned by the trepidation, which one from the country naturally feels when addressing a refined Boston audience. In a report of that speech, I was made to approve of the withholding of knowledge from the slaves of the south, for fear that, in learning to read the Bible, they would learn to read the encomiums on liberty, and then the inflammatory writings of the north. I was barely stating the excuses of the slave holders, but for myself, Sir, I abhor such sentiments, and were I again a slave holder, I would give my slaves the Bible at all hazards, even if I did not give them their liberty. I like better,. Sir, the conduct of some ladies in Charleston who had taught a colored Sab-bath school. The state passed a law, making the penalty of any person who taught a coloured person to read and write, thirty nine stripes on the naked back, "well laid on." Sir, I believe the ladies in Charleston nullified the act of the state, and well they might; for it was contrary to the constitution of nature.. The law was of itself a nullity; for where in the wide world can that miscreant be found, who could inflict such a punishment on a woman. I mean a white woman, Sir, for, alas, every black woman in our southern states is liable to have her back lashed to the bone, and many actually suffer it; and how little does it move the sympathies of their fairer sisters of the north! But, Sir, it is not my intention to excite symyathy by tales of cruelty inflicted on our black brethren; for were an eye witness to state the facts he has seen with his own eyes, they would appear almost incredible, and when they had gone through the hands of a repetition they would appear quite so.

It is my intention, this evening, to vindicate the society against certain charges brought against it by men whose motives I will not question, and for that purpose offer the following resolution.

Resolved, That the American Colonization Society deserves the patronage of all who are, from principle, opposed to slavery.

The time, Sir, is so far spent, that I can not take up these objections individually, and must, in a manner, take them in the aggregate. Most of the objec tions brought against the Colonization Society, are founded on the opinions, speeches, and expressions of some of its professed followers and supporters. Sir, the christian religion itself would be condemned by the same superficial judgment, for the same reasons.

Two objections, of a nature contrary to one another, are also brought against the Society. One is, that it is drawing off all the most inteligent of the colored population from the country, and thereby retarding the emancipation of the slaves. The other is, that the Society is guilty of the folly of attempting, with the ignorant and vicious freed slaves of the south, to civilize and evangelize Africa. They charge us with sending only the intelligent free blacks, and they accuse us of sending the ignorant liberated slaves-but the first objection is

anost insisted on.

In order to understand this subject, a discrimination must be made between these two classes of our black population. Those who are born and educated free, and those who are liberated slaves, and this can be done better by example than description.

Many years ago, I loaded a ship in Savannah and had for my stevedore one. Joe Blog. He was one of the smartest and most faithful men I ever employed. I gave his master a dollar a day for him, and gave Joe privately half a dollar a day beside. Joe was active, sleek, well dressed, and sprightly. Joe was a slave. Some years after I returned to the same port, and sought out my old friend Joe, and employed him. He was idle, restless, ragged, and lazy, and I soon dismissed him. Joe was free. And as far as my observation has extended, and I have lived long in slave countries, this is a fair sample of the liberated slaves, though there are noble exceptions. But I consider it more their misfortune than their fault. With no other incentive to labor than the fear of the lash, uneducated and ignorant, what better can we expect?

But the colored man, born and educated free, is a very different character. I sailed to Europe in the ship Alpha, commanded, and part owned, by Captain Paul Cuffee, and was the only white person on board. Cuffee was an able shipmaster, an honest, virtuous and philanthropic man, and was esteemed in Europe as much, at least, as the supercargo. Soon after that time, Cuffee conceived the idea of colonizing the free colored people in Africa, and made two or three

voyages to Sierra Leone for that purpose, but the war and his subsequent death put an end to his benevolent schemes; had it not been for this, he would probably have commenced a colony near to Sierra Leone under the British flag. He spent a great part of his fortune in these enterprises. I was also acquainted with J. B. Russwurm in his youth, and was once called on an arbitration or council, to settle difficulties which had arisen between the scholars at an academy in Maine, and the town's people. The scholars chose Russwurm for their spokesman, and he managed their cause like an orator. I was present when he took his degree at Bowdoin college, and a more able part was not performed on the stage that day, whether we consider matter or manner. I advised him to go to Hayti, but he took a better course and went to Liberia, where he is now one of the most prominent characters.

Now, Sir, our opponents both in England and America, allow that the scheme of colonizing Africa is beautiful and philanthropic, and it is desirable that Africa should be evangelized and civilized.-Whom shall we send there? such men as Joe Blog? or such men as Cuffee and Russwurm? If the convicts had been sent to this country before the pilgrims, what would now have been our character?

But our opponents tell us that we should send white missionaries to Africa. Sir, it is well known, by sad experience, that white men cannot live for any length of time in Africa; and I verily believe that the Holy Spirit has forbidden the white man to preach the Gospel in the sultry climes of Africa, and reserved that honor for the black man; whose residence even for centuries, in a northern climate, has not so changed his constitution, but that the mortality among the black settlers would not be one tenth so great as among the whites.

But our opponents taunt us with the reproach, that the Colonization Society has not yet stopped the slave trade. Sir, it is with grief that I am compelled to allow it. But whose fault is that? Does it belong to those who have done all they can toward it, and are still making progress? or to those who have done all they could to prevent it? Suppose, Sir, a farmer has a fifty acre field to enclose with a fence, and he goes to work, and in two days builds two rods of stone wall, but still the cattle get in and out. His lazy neighbor might taunt him by saying, "Ah, my friend, you see it is of no use to build stone wall; your two rods of fence have not secured your field." Which of the two should we call a wise man? It is true, the settlements of Sierra Leone and Liberia have not yet stopped the slave trade beyond the extent of their settlements and influence, and it is, to the disgrace of human nature, carried on to almost as great an extent, and with greater barbarity, than when it was licensed; but they have stopped it on this portion of the coast which they occupy; and when they shall have extended all along the coast, they will effectually fence in Africa, against the manstealer, and in no other way will the slave trade ever be stopped.

Our anti-slavery friends warn us against the use of the products of slavery, and in this I commend them. But to what country can we look for a substitute for such products with so much hope as to Africa. Already the exports from the colony are considerable, [125,000 during the last year,] and I hope, Sir, to see the day when the exuberant fertility of liberated civilized Africa will furnish us with all the tropical products which we shall need, and thus, while it cuts off the sources of slavery on the one hand, will lessen the demand for the produce of slave labor on the other-when a mighty empire shall arise on the shores of Africa, and such men as Cuffee and Russwurm become the Bradfords, the Cabots and the Winthrops of the new empire. Sir, the scene is bright with anticipations of future glory and happiness which must warm the heart of every philanthropist, and could that arm be found which would rend this scene and tear up by the roots the little settlements of Liberia and Sierra Leone, and the black night of superstition, barbarity and the slave trade, again sweep over unhapppy Africa, should we call it the arm of an angel, or a demon? He might rejoice at the desolations he had caused, but humanity and religion would weep over them. But, Sir, we have no such fears, we believe that the Colonization Societies of this country, and of our friends in Great Britain, will throw a belt of light and beauty around poor Africa, which will forever banish the slave trade and barbarism from that oppressed country, and of itself form also a bond of union between us and our British friends; and the colonies, favored and protected by two of the most powerful nations in the world, will extend and flourish, until our most sanguine expectations shall be realiz

ed.