From the State Society of Vermont.
Hon. Samuel Prentiss, Hon. Heman Allen.

From the New York City Society.
Ira B. Underhill, Esq.

From the Worcester County Society, Mass.
Hon. Joseph G. Kendall, George A. Tufts, Esq.
From the Ohio State Society.

Hon. Wm. Russel,

Hon. Thomas Corwin.

From the Society of Steubenville, Ohio.

Hon. Humphrey H. Leavitt.

From the Society of Canfield, Trumbull Co. Ohio.
Hon. Elisha Whittlesey, (its President.)
From the Society of Franklin Co. Mass.
Hon. George Grennell.

From the Crawford Society, Penn.
Hon. John Banks.

From the Hanover Co. Society, Va.
George Nelson, Esq.

From the Society of Washington City.

Matthew St. Clair Clarke, Esq. Col. Samuel Birch,

Dr. Thomas Sewall,

Thomas H. Gilliss, Esq.

Josiah F. Polk, Esq.

The following resolutions were then offered, and adopted by the Society.

By the Rev. Mr. Hammet,

Resolved, That the report just read be adopted, and that 20,000 copies be printed under the direction of the Managers.

In other places, said Mr. H. and other circumstances, I should regard it as my imperious duty to support, by what may be called argument, the able, the powerful, and I will venture to add, the highly satisfactory report to which we have just listened: but here, sir, in this Hall, and in the presence of the thronged and brilliant assembly that now surrounds me, I feel that this would be entirely unnecessary: especially, as I know, that there are those to follow me, from whom the meeting has a right to expect much more than from myself.

There is, however, Mr. President, in the report, one particular which my sense of duty will not permit me to pass over in silence. It is there stated, sir, and I confess that I heard it with mingled feelings of surprise and regret, that this Society still has to contend with a persevering and untiring opposition from some quarters. Opposition still to such a cause

as this! Sir, I had hoped that that day had well nigh passed by; and that the success which has already crowned the efforts of this Society, had left no longer doubtful the benevolence of the scheme, or the practicability of carrying it into full effect. Let this Society fall, sir; take from us the hope of relief which it holds out, and, like the miserable patient who hears from his physician that the last expedient has failed, you leave us nothing to reflect upon but the sullen gloom of despair. The evil which this Society proposes to remedy, has already spread to a fearful extent, and is becoming more and more alarming every day. That class of the community to whom it affords succour, though nominally free, can, in fact, never be so in this country. A gloom hangs over them through which they can never hope to penetrate, and they groan under a weight of prejudice from which they can never expect to rise. The consequence is that intellectual effort is paralyzed, and morals amongst them are prostrated. Find them where you may, whether in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Richmond, or Charleston-in a free or in a slave holding state, you find them, with very few exceptions, the same degraded race. No individual effort, no system of legislation, can in this this country redeem them from this condition, nor raise them to the level of the white man, nor secure to them the privileges of freemen. It is utterly vain to expect it. And, sir, to procure for them what they cannot have here, and what the history of this enterprise has proven, can be secured to them elsewhere, is the object contemplated by this association; remembering always that in proportion as we benefit them, we benefit ourselves. Now, sir, I ask you, is it not amazing that such an enterprise should meet with opposition from any lover of his countryfrom any lover of freedom?

But, thank Heaven, sir, the opposition is feeble, in comparison with the encouragement and support which the Society meets with. In almost every state of this Union, the great body of the people are awaking to a sense of the vast importance of this undertaking. The ablest statesmen and politicians are espousing and advocating its interestsstate societies and neighbourhood societies, designed to co operate with this are rapidly multiplying. The Legislatures of several of the states have pronounced favorably upon its plans and its proceedings; many of them contributing largely to its pecuniary resources-and, sir, the whole religious community of this widely extended republic, have declared it worthy their confidence, and have resolved in their solemn assemblies to give to it their support.

Take for example, said Mr. H. the Methodist Episcopal Church-the Church to which I have the happiness to belong. At her General Conference (the highest assembly of that Church) which met in Philadelphia in May last, a resolution was adopted; and, I believe unanimously, recommending this Society to the patronage of the people of that communion. Sir, I know I am correct when I say, that this whole denomination, numbering in the U. States, nearly six hundred thousand (600,000) communicants, and not much short of ten thousand Ministers of different grades, unitedly approve the objects of this Society. All the other leading denominations of the country, sir, do the same. In this, we all agree. The peculiarities of creed, of sect, and of party, are here forgotten, or lost in the glories of one common philanthropy. With such a general-almost unanimous testimonial of the approbation of the country, and with the blessing of Almighty God attending its exertions, there can be little room left to doubt, that the American Colonization Society will continue to rise and flourish, and ultimately accomplish the glorious undertaking in which it has engaged.

Turn your eyes, sir, to the Colony itself, and the prospect is equally encouraging and cheering. We there behold a class of beings who, at

home amongst us, could scarcely be controlled by law, or elevated by religion, suddenly springing into honorable notice; cultivating among themselves all the arts of civilized life, and securing to their families all the blessings of well-ordered society. Every day's intelligence only reiterates what we have heard from the beginning-that peace, harmony, and contentment are abounding. What colonist has ever complained, that protection and security were not guarantied to him there? And what American Captain has, at any time, come back to tell us, that tranquillity and happiness are not enjoyed there? Schools are established, churches are erected, the mechanic arts are cultivated, agriculture is promoted, and commerce even with foreign nations has already been embarked in; and by whom, sir? By a class of beings who, while here, hung as a dead weight upon the skirts of the country. Sir, with the sublimity and grandeur of the spectacle and prospect before us, calculation itself can hardly keep pace.

I behold in the Colony, at Liberia, the germ of an empire that may one day rival our own. The genius of liberty shall go out from thence; the dominion of freedom shall be extended; tribe after tribe shall send in its adhesion, until the entire of long neglected-long injured Africa-no longer pillaged and plundered of her children, shall be crowned with all the blessings of civil liberty. And by the advancement of this cause shall commerce be advanced. The hidden treasures of another continent shall be developed and borne upon many a sea. Our country shall derive from it an extensive and profitable trade. Our sons shall go out the supercargoes of richly laden vessels; and, it is not visionary to believe that, at no distant day, we shall see it announced, that another line of packet ships is established, to trade between New York and Monrovia. The Christian, too, has here much to animate his hopes, and stimu. late his zeal. An immense field, "already white to the harvest," opens before him. The missionary of the cross shall enter there, bearing to perishing thousands the "Bread of Life." Africa will receive him.— Churches will be reared; presses will be established; the scriptures will be circulated; and the darkness of ages, retiring like the shades of the night at the approach of the morning sun, shall be finally scattered by the effulgent blaze of truth divine. Yes, sir, superstition shall be broken down, false philosophy shall be confounded, heathen oracles shall be struck dumb; "The altar and the god shall sink together to the dust” -and Africa shall come forth "redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled." And may Heaven hasten the time!

I have done, sir. I am afraid I have trespassed on the time of the meeting; but in justice to those who have invited me to this service, and in justice to my own feelings, I could not have said less. I close, sir, by declaring, that, in whatever sphere it may be my lot to move, I shall feel it to be a sacred duty which I owe to my country, and to the cause of humanity, steadily and constantly to advancethe principles and interests of this Society.

On motion by Hon. T. Corwin, seconded by Hon. J. Holmes, Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to the several Auxiliary Societies, for the efficient aid afforded by them during the past year, and that they be requested to continue their efforts with increased energy, in behalf of the objects of this Institution.

It was not until this last half hour, that I knew I was delegated to represent, with my colleague, Mr. Russel, the State Colonization Society of Ohio, at this meeting. Thus authorized, it gives me much pleasure to avail myself of this occasion, to represent here, in a few words, the somewhat peculiar feelings of the Western country towards this Society.

In the resolution which I have offered, I am sure there is no sentiment

expressed, which does not challenge at once the approbation of all to whom I address it. I believe, with few and inconsiderable exceptions, this Society has hitherto relied for the accomplishment of the great ends of its foundation, upon individual munificence, or such contributions as have been brought into the treasury by the subordinate Societies. That the single sentiment of justice towards a despised and degraded caste, should have brought into active and combined effort, such an immense number of individuals, is a spectacle of which this age may justly boast. It deserves to rank first amongst the great moral phenomena, of which our times have been so singularly fruitful.

Whilst, however, a noble desire to extend justice to the free black population of this country, is known to have contributed most powerfully in advancing the objects of this Society, it must be obvious that something of selfishness on our part has also had its share in the work of colonization. A strong conviction every where prevails, that the removal from amongst us, of this class, if not necessary to our internal tranquillity, as a nation, is at least indispensable to the perfection of our social and political systems.

The evils resulting from the existence of the free black people, in that portion of our common country where negro slavery prevails, have been too long and too generally deplored, now to be doubted by any. But, Mr. President, it is, I think, a very strange and too common a mistake, to suppose that this evil is confined alone to the slave-holding States of the Union. Sir, the great and growing non slave-holding States of the West, look with the most intense interest to the operations of this Society, chiefly for the reason, that, through its prosperous prosecution of the objects it was founded to accomplish, they yet hope to rid themselves of this anomalous population, whose existence amongst them, they justly consider the only evil to which their condition, as members of the confederacy, subjects them.

That I may illustrate what I have asserted in relation to the State I rep. resent, I hope I may be pardoned a brief reference to her jurisprudence as connected with this subject.

In the year 1787, the territory north-west of the Ohio river was organized, comprehending within its limits the country now occupied by the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. By that celebrated ordinance, so often the subject of just eulogium in this Hall, it was provided that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude ever should exist within the limits of this territory, while it continued in that grade of government; nor in the States thereafter to be formed out of it. Thus the emigrant to the West was led to cherish a hope, that in his new situation he would be forever relieved, not only from the positive, but also from all the incidental mischiefs of negro slavery. Determined to effect this

object, and to have within her limits no human being, to whom she might not extend the same civil rights, which she would accord to any other citizen, Ohio, in all her legislation, has been studious to exclude the free black man from her borders.

In conformity to this policy, our Constitution, while it gives the general right of suffrage to all white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years, qualified only by a short residence, and the payment of a tax, withholds from the black man, under any and all circumstances, this sword and shield of freedom.

These austere restrictions, quite incompatible with the broad declaration of natural equality, thickly scattered throughout that instrument, were wisely deemed necessary to forbid the settlement of free blacks within our territorial limits. Following close upon the heels of these fundamental laws, very early in the legislative history of the state, laws were enacted, providing that black emigrants, before they were permit

ted to remain an hour on the soil of Ohio, should give bond with approved resident security, that he or she should not become chargeable as a pauper. On failure to do this, it was made the duty of certain officers, under heavy penalties, to remove such person to his or her last place of residence. Famine also was invoked to aid legal exaction in effecting its purposes. Severe penalties were imposed upon all who should employ in their service, any one who had not complied with the provisions of the law, in regard to settlement.

Sir, I beg you to mark what has followed. Such was the miserable condition of this caste in other parts of the Union, that they braved all the terrors of our laws, risked removal, starvation and disfranchisement; came to, and in despite of the law, remained in Ohio. I say in despite of the law, for, Sir, the law could not be enforced. Although I recognize in all our legislation on this subject, a paternal regard for the internal quietude and prosperity of the people, I mention it as a fact honourable to the character of our population, that, when put to the test, the law, in all its severity, was seldom carried into effect. In almost every instance where the courts and juries of the country were called upon to put the law in force, a powerful sympathy for the distressed individual, overruled the less exigent considerations of public policy. In this instance we attempted to exact from the law, what no law is competent to perform. We put the power of the law in competition with a power above all law-the education, habits, opinions and feelings of the people. After this struggle of nearly twenty years, between obvious public duty, and the counteracting and more powerful influence of a pervading and irrepressible public benevolence, we have found ourselves, at the census of 1830, with nearly ten thousand free blacks in Ohio. Very like, if not identically the same, is the condition of our sister State-Indiana. I think, Sir, that no one present, with these facts before him, will believe that I mistake public opinion, when I assert that the non-slaveholding States of the West have a deep and enduring interest in the issue of your labours. Whilst I mention the local, and, as we fondly hope, temporary causes which operate in Ohio to bring to your aid a hearty cooperation, I feel that I should do great injustice to those I represent, were I to confine their motives within a circle so selfish and contracted, I know, Sir, that with them, an ardent and sublimated benevolence; a deep and strong religious enthusiasm point to this Society as furnishing the only hope of the regeneration of despoiled and benighted Africa They hope, by planting there the laws, literature, religion and institu tions of enlightened Christendom, to make a late, long delayed, though still glorious atonement for ages of unmerited wrongs. Whilst, therefore, Mr. President, I have read with delight of the rivers of charity which, from other quarters, are flowing in upon us, it gives me pleasure to assure you that our rivulet of contributions will not fail. Small though it be, it has a deep and swelling fountain in the opinions, interests and institutions of Ohio; a fountain which will never be dried up, unless, unhappily, by the extinction of this Society, the channel shall be choaked up, in which alone its waters may flow.

Mr. HOLMES, Senator from Maine, avowed a great change in his opinions, in regard to the Society. He had ever believed the design of the Society benevolent; but had long doubted whether its experiment would prove successful. But, the remarkable manner in which the hopes of the founders of the Society had thus far been realized, had induced him to look closely at its plan. He found that the Southern States, which he had apprehended would do least for its object, were earnestly engaged in promoting it, and that a very large portion of the emigrants were from Virginia and N. Carolina. He had feared that the long degraded black man, would with difficulty, be prepared for civilization and the duties