potic power, it would excite less surprise-but when they are acted upon by those who profess themselves to be the champions of the rights of man, they naturally occasion both wonder and regret. Passing by the extreme severities which the French have exercised in Italy, what shall we think of the following declarations of Jourdan to the inhabitants of Germany.

Good God! is it then a crime for men to defend their own government and country? Is it a punishable offence in the Germans that they will not accept from the French what they offer as liberty at the point of the bayonet? This is to confound all ideas of morality and humanity—it is to trample upon all the rights of man and nations-it is to restore the ages of barbarism, according to the laws and practice of modern war; the peasantry of a country, if they remain peaceably at home, are protected from other harm than a contribution to the necessities of the invading army. Those who join the armies of their country and fight with them, are considered and treated as other soldiers. But the present French doctrine is, that they are to be treated as rebels and criminals.

German patriotism is a heinous offence in the eyes of French PATRIOTS. How are we to solve this otherwise than by observing that the French are influenced by the same spirit of domination which governed the ancient Romans. They considered themselves as having a right to be the masters of the world, and to treat the rest of mankind as their vassals. How clearly is it proved by this that the praise of a world is justly due to Christianity;-war, by the influence of the humane principles of that religion, had been stripped of half its horrors. The French renounce Christianity, and they relapse into barbarismwar resumes the same hideous and savage form which it wore in the ages of Gothic and Roman violence.

ALLEGORICAL DEVICE.

1799.

A globe, with Europe and part of Africa on one side, America on the other, the Atlantic between. The portion occupied by America to be larger than that occupied by Europe. A Colossus to be placed on this globe, with one foot on Europe, the other extending partly over the Atlantic towards America, having on his head a quintuple crown, in his right hand an iron sceptre, projecting but broken in the middle; in his left hand a pileus (cap of liberty) reversed-the staff entwined by a snake with its head downward, having the staff of the pileus. in its mouth, and folding in its tail (as if in the act of strangling) a label with the words "Rights of Man." Upon a base supported by fifteen columns erected on the continent of America, the genius of America to be placed, represented by the figure of Pallas--a female in armor, with a firm, composed countenance, a golden breast-plate, a spear in her right hand, and an ægis or shield in her left, having upon it the scales of justice (instead of the Medusa's head); her helmet encircled with wreaths of olive, her spear striking upon the sceptre of the Colossus and breaking it asunder; over her head a radiated crown of glory. It would improve the allegory to represent the Atlantic in a tempest, as indicative of rage, and Neptune in the position of aiming a blow at the Colossus with his trident.

Explanation. It is known that the globe is an ancient symbol of universal dominion. This, with the Colossus, alluding to the French Directory, will denote the project of acquiring such dominion-the position of the Colossus signifying the intent to extend it to America. The Colossus will represent the American States; and Pallas, as the genius of America, will intimate that though loving peace as a primary object (of which the olive wreath is the symbol), yet, guided by wisdom and justice, America successfully exerts her valor to break the sceptre of the tyrant.

MEASURES OF DEFENCE.

1799.

Further measures advisable to be taken without delay.

I. to authorize the President to proceed forthwith to raise the 10,000 men already ordered.

II. To establish an academy for military and naval instruction. This is a very important measure and ought to be perma

nent.

III. To provide for the immediate raising of a corps of noncommissioned officers, viz., sergeants and corporals, sufficient with the present establishment for an army of 50,000 men. The having these men prepared and disciplined, will accelerate extremely the disciplining of an additional force.

IV. To provide before Congress rise, that in case it shall appear that an invasion of this country by a large army is actually on foot, there shall be a draft from the militia to be classed, of a number sufficient to complete the army of 30,000 men. Provision for volunteers in lieu of drafts. A bounty to be given.

V. To authorize the President to provide a further naval force of six ships of the line, and twelve frigates, with twenty small vessels not exceeding sixteen guns. It is possible the ships of the line and frigates may be purchased of Great Britain to be paid for in stock. We ought to be ready to cut up all the small privateers and gun-boats in the West Indies, so as at the same time to distress the French Islands as much as possible and protect our trade.

VI. Is not the Independence of the French Colonies under the guarantee of the United States to be aimed at? If it is, there cannot be too much promptness in opening negotiations for the purpose. Victor Hughes is probably an excellent subject. This idea however deserves mature consideration.

VII. It is essential the Executive should have half a million of secret service money. If the measure cannot be carried

without it, the expenditure may be with the approbation of three members of each House of Congress. But it were better without this incumbrance.

VIII. Revenue in addition to the $2,000,000 of land tax say:

Probable produce 500,000.

100,000.

500,000.

100,000.

100,000.

which is liable to much

In lieu of tax on slaves,

objection.

IX. A loan

A stamp duty on hats, as well manufactured at home as imported, distributed into three classes10, 15, 25 cents.

Saddle horses one dollar each, excluding those engaged in agriculture.

Salt so as to raise the present duty to 25 cents bushel.

per

Male servants of the capacities by whatever name:-Maître d'hôtel, house steward, valet de chambre, butler, under-butler, confectioner, cook, house porter, waiter, footman, coachman, groom, postillions, stable boy-for one such servant 81; for two such servants, and not more, $2 each; for three such servants, 83 each; above three, $4 each; one dollar additional by bachelors.

New modification with greater diversity of licenses for sale of wines.

One per cent. on all successions by descent or devise.

of $10,000,000. The interest to be such as will insure the loan at par. 'Tis better to give high interest, redeemable at pleasure, than low interest with accumulation of capital, as in England.

THE PUBLIC CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF JOHN ADAMS, ESQ., PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR:

1800.

Some of the warm personal friends of Mr. Adams are taking unwearied pains to disparage the motives of those federalists who advocate the equal support of General Pinckney, at the ap

proaching election of President and Vice-President. They are exhibited under a variety of aspects equally derogatory. Sometimes they are versatile, factious spirits, who cannot be long sat isfied with any chief, however meritorious; sometimes they are ambitious spirits, who can be contented with no man that will not submit to be governed by them; sometimes they are intrigu ing partisans of Great Britain, who, devoted to the advancement of her views, are incensed against Mr. Adams for the independ ent impartiality of his conduct.

In addition to a full share of the obloquy vented against this description of persons collectively, peculiar accusations have been devised, to swell the catalogue of my demerits. Among these, the resentment of disappointed ambition, forms a promi nent feature. It is pretended, that had the President, upon the demise of General Washington, appointed me Commander-inChief, he would have been, in my estimation, all that is wise, and good, and great.

It is necessary, for the public cause, to repel these slanders, by stating the real views of the persons who are calumniated, and the reasons of their conduct.

In executing this task, with particular reference to myself, I ought to premise, that the ground upon which I stand, is different from that of most of those who are confounded with me in pursuit of the same plan. While our object is common, our mo tives are variously dissimilar. A part, well affected to Mr. Adams, have no other wish than to take a double chance against Mr. Jefferson. Another part, feeling a diminution of confidence in him, still hope that the general tenor of his conduct will be essentially right. Few go as far in their objections as I do. Not denying to Mr. Adams patriotism and integrity, and even talents of a certain kind, I should be deficient in candor, were I to conceal the conviction, that he does not possess the talents adapted to the administration of government, and that there are great and intrinsic defects in his character, which unfit him for the office of chief magistrate.

To give a correct idea of the circumstances which have gradually produced this conviction, it may be useful to retrospect to an early period.