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T

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BENGAL:

Vol. XII.-No. 257.]

CONTENTS.

SUMMARY AND REVIEW......

665

BURMAH:

Rangoon

667

The Ava Embassy

667

How our Railway Pays

667

The Revenue Survey of Bengal 668 Public Works

Col. Markham and Sir W. Gomm

670 Oude .............................................. 670 Cashmere 671

The Annandale Pic Nic Outrage....

SINGAPORE

672

.................

Government General Orders.. 674 SCINDE................................................................ 686

The Madras Railway Hyderabad-Deccan Riot at Nagpore

Arrivals, &c. reported at the East-India House...... 690 STOCKS and SecurITIES, &c.. 691

ARRIVAL OF MAILS.

The Bengal, with a mail, left Calcutta Oct. 19th, Madras 24th, Point de Galle 29th, Aden Nov. 8th, and arrived at Suez Nov. 14th. The Victoria, with a mail, left Bombay Oct. 28th, Aden Nov. 6th, and arrived at Suez Nov. 13th.

The Cadiz, with the China mail, left Hong-Kong Oct. 11th, Singapore 19th, Penang 21st, and arrived at Point de Galle on Oct. 28th.

The mails thus brought were taken on to Alexandria; they arrived at Malta Nov. 24th (per Indus), and Marseilles (per Valetta) 26th inst.

The Indus, with the remainder, may be expected at Southampton Dec. 5th.

SUMMARY AND REVIEW.

BURMAH figures again in Indian politics in a certain way. The Ava embassy, of which we have heard so much, has arrived at Rangoon. Whether it would ever get any further seems a matter of doubt, or rather a matter of no doubt, if the account received be correct. It is said that the king of Ava refuses to address the Governor-General by any other title than that of Commissioner of Bengal, which of course will not be accepted; and the members of the embassy, if they and their ruler be stiff, will therefore go back "as wise as they came." An unsatisfactory letter from the king of Ava had been returned for correction, but his majesty had only said he was sorry, but had not made the necessary correction. There appears to be some discussion going on with Calcutta, the result of which will have to be communicated to Ava; and till that has been done, there will be no move. We expect the game will end in a stale mate. One of the papers contains a rumour of another revolution at Ava, headed by the king's uncle ; but we have had so much of this sort of talk, that we attach no importance to it. It is also reported that Meah Toon has been doing a little treason, and has been beheaded.

The Delhi Gazette, on the authority of its correspondent at Bokhara, reports that some English officers had reached Khiva by way of Persia-with what object was unknown. This piece of information is succeeded by the following, which we extract :

"The badshah of Kokan, after collecting a force of 50,000 men, went to meet the Russians, and encountered them at a place called Imam Musjid. He was defeated with great loss, and, what is worse, the Russians are gaining the hearts of the people by giving surgical aid to the wounded, whom, when cured, they dismiss to their homes with presents of small silver coins for their expenses by the way. After his victory, the Russian general addressed letters to the kings of Bokhara and Kokan. He said it was a pity the latter had taken the trouble to come out and attack him, as he had intended to honour his majesty with a visit, either before the cold weather set in or early in the spring. He added that a reinforcement of nine kumpoos' (regiments or brigades) was about to join him from the Russian camp, which is situated seven or eight miles from Khiva. The Russians are provided with strange machines of crystal (billour), and also with pipes, through which they draw water from the Durya-i-Sir (Iaxartes). They are also advancing in the direction of Yarkund. In fact, the whole of Turkistan is in a most unsettled state. The king of Bokhara leans towards the Russians, and is doing all he can to promote their interests in Mawuroolnahur. The Bokhara merchants have written to their agents at Cabul to stop their investments, and the caravans are accordingly returning from Bameean.

"So far our Bokhara commissioner. The presence of English officers at Khiva is not easily reconciled with the presence of a Russian camp in the neighbourhood; but there is no saying where adventurous Saxons will not turn up in these stirring times. At any rate, it is about the last circumstance that an Asiatic would think of inventing. The story about the pipes for the conveyance

of water is a curious one. Our Cabul correspondent mentioned several months ago, that the advance of the Russians across the desert near Khiva had been aided by these iron pipes. The use of some such portable aqueduct in a friendly country may be easily imagined, but to rely upon it in an enemy's country would be a different matter. It must be remembered, however, that the Russians are said to have negotiated their way through Khiva and Bokhara, not fought it; and we may suppose that they have occasionally made use of hose to supply their camp with water. The crystal machine must explain itself."

The letter of the Cabul correspondent of the Delhi Gazette is not without interest: we have room here only for the following.

"Our Cabul correspondent, in a letter dated the 25th ultimo, fulfils his promise of giving an account of the interview which lately took place between Major Edwardes and the Nazir Khairoollah. The particulars of this conversation were reported to the Ameer at a secret conference by Mooftee Gholam Hyder, a confidential servant of the Nazir. This person (who appears to have been present at the interview with Major Edwardes) says that the conversation began on the Nazir's part by a statement of his claims on the British Government, but speedily changed to the mention of Afghan politics. The Nazir began to eulogize Dost Mahomed's administration of the affairs of Cabul, and then dwelt on his relations with the neighbouring chiefs of Khorasan and Turkistan, the attention of the Commissioner being evidently awakened by the mention of this subject, all of which was explained to him in a manner becoming the dignity of the Ameer.

'Major Edwardes replied that as to the establishment of relations with Cabul, the British Government would find it difficult to forget the recent conduct of the Ameer in invading the Punjab during the late war.

"The Nazir assured him in reply, that the Ameer never wished to join the Sikhs against the British, who had treated him with such marked favour when he was their prisoner in India. He had indeed made a hostile demonstration during the Punjab war, but it was only to avert his own destruction that he did so, at the instigation of his relatives, whom he dared not then resist. But he was now willing to convince the English of his friendship, and all he asked was that they would not treat him as they had done the Ameers of Sindh, the Sirdars of the Punjab, and the rulers of other native states. The subjugation of these states by the English in the face of all treaties had brought British faith into question throughout Central Asia, all the rulers of which were afraid of suffering the same fate some day.

"The Commissioner replied that the British had not taken Sindh and the Punjab to satisfy their ambition. They had been forced to do so by the internal commotions of these countries, and by the necessity of providing for the security of their own frontier. If the Ameer would continue faithful to a treaty, he need not fear that it would be broken by the English, who have too much territory of their own to covet a poor country like Afghanistan, which would not pay the expenses of an invasion.

"The Nazir then said that if the British wished to secure the Dost as a faithful friend, they should give him pecuniary aid towards opposing the intrigues of Persia and Russia.

"On which the Commissioner said that there would be ample time to do this when the two powers in question made any movement in the direction of Afghanistan.

"But,' said the Nazir, 'suppose that in the mean time Persia and Russia offer the Ameer money to join them against you, how can you expect him to refuse, surrounded as he is by his brothers and other chiefs, to all of whom the name of the British is hateful?' "This puzzled Major Edwardes, who after some hesitation told the Nazir that it was a very important and delicate question, and that it must be referred to the Governor-General. And here ended the conference between Major Edwardes and the Nazir Khairoollah, as reported by Mooftee Gholam Hyder to Dost Mahomed and his son Sirdar Mahomed Azeem Khan.'

"The Ameer listened to all this with great attention, and his son Mahomed Azeem, who seems to have a high opinion of the Saheb at Peshawur, seconded the proposal of the Mooftee, that he, the Mooftee, should write a letter to Nazir Khairoollah, repeating the assurances of the Dost's evidence to attach himself to the British. This was to accompany Mahomed Azeem Khan's letter to Major Edwardes. The Ameer also prepared a letter of ceremony (Mooraslah) to be sent to the Governor-General, in accordance with the kind advice of Major Edwardes. The messengers with these letters have left for Peshawur, and you may rely on a speedy understanding between the two high contracting powers.

"But there are still great difficulties in the way. The Ameer exposes his life to danger by allying himself with the English, Sirdar Sooltan Mahomed (ex-governor of Peshawur), Sirdar Peer Mahomed, the sons of the priest Meervaiz, and other influential chiefs, have already prepared to send their families to Candahar. On hearing this, the Ameer sent for Sultan Mahomed, and assured him, in the presence of several other of the malcontents, that he would form no alliance with the British unless he, Sultan Mahomed,

was permitted to share all its advantages, and indeed, unless the British pledged themselves to forget all the past, and treat all the people of Afghanistan as friends and the subjects of an ally.

"When the Persian ambassador was here, the Dost used to invite him daily to witness the inspection of troops in the garden. After this had gone on for some days, the Ameer had his marching tent pitched, and informed the ambassador that it was his intention to go to Kelat. He added that the shah of Persia had no right to interfere in the domestic politics of Afghanistan, and that even were it otherwise, the fort of Kelat was not the possession of his brothers, the Candahar chiefs, in whose favour the king of Persia interested himself so strongly, but was merely a place of shelter to Toorkee and Hootuk robbers, who lived by plundering the caravans. On that account he, the Dost, had seized the fort, and meant to keep it. A letter to the same effect was given to the Persian ambassador, who on his departure received a rich dress of honour, of the value of Rs. 15,000, the cost of which was paid by the sirdars Sooltan Mahomed Khan, Ghoolam Haider Khan, and Mahomed Osman Khan.

"You may remember Sayud Mahomed Khan, whom Sir Alexander Burnes used to call Jan Fishan Khan,' and who is now residing at Sirdhana, near Meerut, on a liberal pension, granted him on the supposition that he was obliged to leave Cabul because his life was in danger on account of his services to the British, whereas the real cause of his departure was a family quarrel. Well, some days ago, one or two of Jan Fishan's relations came here from India on a secret visit to their friends, remaining concealed by day in a house in Morad Khanee, and only venturing out by night. In spite of this precaution they were recognized when out one night on the Phool-i-kishtee, by the servants of one Meer Shekh, an enemy of Jan Fishan's. An encounter took place, in which two men were killed, and a number wounded on both sides. A report of the affair reached the Ameer next morning, with the false story invented by some evil man, that the men had been sent from Meerut by Jan Fishan to murder the Dost. On this Sirdar Sultan Mahomed caused search to be made for the strangers, but they had escaped. The man in whose house they had concealed themselves, was apprehended and blown fram a gun.'

The Presidencies afford nothing; at all of them a dead calm appears to prevail, except so far as it is broken by a little private quarrelling, as per last.

In the general absence of intelligence, we turn to China for aid; but China is not less stupid than the rest of the Eastern world. The following is about the best bit we can. find.

Ningpo is quiet, but how long the mandarins can ward off the coming blow is very uncertain. An immense number of junks block up the mouths of the river off Chinhae, and also in the river off the city of Nangpo,-partly unable to dispose of their cargoes, but more generally deterred by fear of pirates from venturing out to sea. The whole country is out of joint, and things must become much worse before they are likely to get better. The piratical fleet from the south, which was in the employ of the Taoutae Samqua for conquering the rebels at Shanghae, is now assembled in great force in the Chusan group, attacking and destroying, without mercy or distinction, every craft, whether native or European, which comes within its reach. Great fears are entertained of their being emboldened to attack Ningpo; and in that case the city would be not unlikely to fall into their hands. Apak, the noted pirate chief, is in Ningpo, and openly levies black mail. The English vice-consul has written urgent communications to the senior naval officer in command at Shanghae, representing the danger of the city, and the importance of despatching a vessel of war in search of the pirates. This state of things shows to what straits the Chinese Government is reduced, when it calls to its aid against its own rebellious subjects a band of pirates who one month are the paid mercenaries of his Imperial Majesty, and the next month may become a buccaneering squadron dealing destruction and rapine upon the inoffensive and defenceless population along the coast.'

Various controversies, and various fierce ones, have been waged in this country. "Paper against Gold," and "Gold against Paper." At Pekin, both seem to be superseded by another commodity of great and wide-spread utility, but not ordinarily applied (in modern times at least) to the fabrication of coin, or its representative. Let the following, from the North China Herald, speak for itself:

"Various references are made to iron money, which it appears has been cast at Pekin to relieve the necessities of government."

No one supposed the present state of China to exemplify the golden, or even the silver age. Iron, it appears, is its characteristic. If a man goes to receive a small sum of