Per H.M. steamer Encounter, H. E. Sir S. George Bonham, Bart. Hon. Mr. Hillier, Capt. King, A. D. C. Messrs. W. H. Medhurst, and H. N. Lay. Per steamer Malta (Feb. 25), to GALLE.-For SOUTHAMPTON.-Capt. W. E. D. Broughton.-For ALEXANDRIA.-Messrs. I. D. Park, and A. G. Wiener.-For SUEZ.-Mr. J. W. Overiday.-For BOMBAY.-Mr. N. M. Langrana. For SINGAPORE, Messrs. Otis, N. Jones, and Edward Smith.

COMMERCIAL.

China, Feb. 25, 1854.

EXCHANGES AND BULLION.

On England, Bills, 4s. 10d.

On India Company's Accepted, Rs. 230 per 100 doll. Californian Gold, 14 to 15 doll. per ounce.

FREIGHTS.

To England, £6 to £6. 10s. To the United States, 22 dolls. for teas, and 35 dolls. for silks.

EGYPT.

THE RAILWAY.-It is stated that a portion of the Egyptian Railway has been used for the first time in the conveyance of the passengers from India, who came from the Nile to the canal near Alexandria, about fifty miles, by this speedy mode of transit.

LORD HARRIS, the new governor of Madras, arrived at Alexandria on April 2nd, by the Austrian steamer from Trieste, and left at once in a steamer placed at his disposal for Cairo, whence his lordship proceeds to Suez, to embark for his seat of govern

ment.

GREAT INDIAN BEAN STALK.-On perusing the last number of Dickens's Household Words, we eagerly turned to the article headed "Great Indian Bean Stalk." Curious to learn what could be said on such a stale subject, we had not read the first paragraph relating to "Ram Lallah," when we opened wide our editorial eyes, and pricked up our editorial ears, with astonishment at the writer's cool audacity, in filching from our old friend Paunchkowree Khan, and not so much as even alluding to the source from whence he had derived his information ! If the writer has been paid by Mr. Dickens for the contribution, we trust that he may be forced to disgorge his ill-gotten gains. Such cool plagiarism is contemptible at all times; but more particularly so when the would-be writer jumbles together what he does not understand. We would ask Indian readers whether a chuprasee on eight shillings a month, could, by any possible conjunction of circumstances, be converted into the baboo of the city of Calcutta, who, by means of his wealth, has all the European officials under his thumb? The Pagoda Tree is still occasionally found and pretty well shaken; but no shaking in the world could possibly resolve the curious problem of converting the bearer of a badge of office, worth four rupees per mensem, into a millionnaire of the City of Palaces. Still, unreflecting people eagerly gulp down falsehoods, because they appear in a popular publication; and thus, we doubt not, implicit faith is placed by many in the absurdity referred to. -Benares Recorder.

ALLEN'S INDIAN MAIL,

LONDON,

FRIDAY, April 14, 1854.

THE GOLD QUESTION IN INDIA.

WE have already explained the condition of the gold coin of India, and the erroneous principles adopted for its manufacture. Things continued in this state when the gold of California and Australia began to affect the market, and to change the relative value of that metal to silver. The first considerable increase in the import of gold at Calcutta was in the year 1848-49, and a large portion of it was sent to the mint, in that and the following years, for conversion into low standard lion-device pieces. The advisers of the change of standard argued that the prejudice in favour of pure coin was thus yielding at last to the firmness shown in adhering to their measure; but no such inference could justly be drawn from the fact, for the sending of gold to the mint at this period was in reality a mere sale of the metal to Government for silver, at the par rate of 15 to 1, which then began to prevail as the market rate. The mint-certificates obtained for gold delivered were immediately paid in at that par, in satisfaction of Government dues, or were negotiated at the banks, where silver was always claimed upon them, under the option then given, of receiving the amount in rupees at the par in question. The gold thus, when coined by the mint, remained as a dead balance in the Government treasury, not being issuable at the par of 15 to 1, in the condition of base standard coin, to which it had been manufactured. Besides this process of gold accumulation through deliveries at the Calcutta mint, low-standard coin, previously issued, began also to be paid into the treasury, at the established par rate, in ordinary transactions; so that out of a total amount of lion-device gold mohurs not exceeding in value seventy lacs of rupees, which was the value of the coinage up to that date, as before shown, more than fifty lacs were, in 1852, in deposit at the Government treasury as a dead unserviceable balance.

It was at this time that the Government of India began to contemplate measures for converting its entire 5 per cent. debt into stocks at 4 per cent. The prospect, therefore, of having the balance to which the Government looked for the means of completing this operation rendered unserviceable for the purpose by the substitution of gold coin not a legal tender for the rupees claimable by the public creditors who might elect to receive payment in cash, was by no means agreeable. A prompt remedy was necessary, and the question being referred to the Court of Directors, the desire to adhere still to their old principles suggested that the low-standard gold coin, not being a legal tender, the receipt of it by Government should be altogether stopped; and this was accordingly done in 1852, by public notice in the Gazette of Calcutta. This however was, at the best, but a temporary measure; its tendency was further to depreciate the low-standard coin, and to render

more unserviceable than before, the amount of gold locked up in the mint and treasury, and effectually to put a stop to any further deliveries of the metal for coinage. If it was an object with the Court to issue a gold coin which, though not a legal tender, might co-circulate with the rupee of general currency, that object was, in this order, either lost sight of or entirely abandoned, for the only shape given to this metal at the mint was that of a medal which the Government now declined to treat as money or receive at any value at all. Where, then, was the pretence to justify the levy of 1 per cent. seignorage for striking this medal? The gold acquired no additional value by being converted into these alloy standard mohurs: the contrary was notoriously the case. In its purity, without alloy, or in the shape of pure coin, gold still sold in India for more than it did as debased coin. If, therefore, it was determined to treat gold no longer as money, it would have been better to have repealed the law which authorized the stamping and issuing of 15-rupee gold pieces, and to have forbidden the Government mints from having more to do with gold upon any terms. But there has, from first to last, been a total want of system and of principle in the measures ordered in connection with this branch of the Government coinage; and it is this especially that we desire to expose.

The further receipt of gold and of gold coin was, however, stopped, as we have stated, in 1852. The question remained, What was to be done with the gold which had accumulated in the mint and treasury? The attention of the Governor-General was again especially drawn to this subject. He has a head and an intelligence peculiarly fitted for such questions, and the antecedents of his European education and statesmanship were calculated to make him familiar with them. He has, we understand, recently again strongly urged the Court of Directors to permit the Government mints to revert to a pure standard coinage, as a means, not only of disposing, at considerable profit, of the gold balance that has accumulated, but as a permanent source of convenience to the public and benefit to the state. The Court, however, as we hear, have negatived this proposition, still obstinately adhering to their old order, to coin none but alloy standard gold pieces; the resolution not to receive them as money, at any price, notwithstanding. In order to provide for the difficulty of the useless accumulation of gold in the mint and treasury of Calcutta, it was suggested that the deposit might be used for remittance purposes, and sent to England to be converted here into sovereigns or sold as bullion. This suggestion, be it observed, was made at a time when the London treasury was open for the receipt of money for bills on India at the rate of 2s. 1d. Now the Company's lion-device gold mohur contains exactly 180 grains of English standard gold. The sovereign contains 123 grains; therefore each gold mohur, instead of yielding 31s. 3d., which it ought to do at 2s. 1d., or 30s., which it ought to do at 2s., taking the gold mohur at the par rate of 15 rupees each, at which it was received or purchased in India, would, independently of the cost of transit and allowance for interest from the loss of time and for agency charges, yield 10d. less than 30s. The remittance of the gold would, therefore, be at a rate, charges included, below 1s. 11d. the rupee, giving a loss of at least 2d. in the rupee so long as the East-India Company were drawing their funds at 2s. 1d. If the whole 50 lacs were thus sent home, the loss would not be less than

4,000l. or 5,000l. ; and the measure, after all, would be a mere temporary expedient, that would make no provision for the future, and would leave everything connected with the gold coinage of India in the same confusion and difficulty as at present.

But the question how to dispose of the existing accumulated balance is quite secondary, for most probably the Government of India will find a means of settling that question better than by using the gold for remittance at a loss: it will be in their power to melt up the coin, and after refining, to sell the metal pure; or the coin will, upon some favourable fluctuation of the bullion-market, be tendered for and taken off at fifteen rupees to the gold mohur, or perhaps, with even more probability, it will be so taken upon speculation, to be refined for coinage at Lucknow or Jypoor, or for being converted into spurious pieces of the Delhi stamp and standard. We have to consider seriously, therefore, what is the best course for the future, quite independently of the disposal of the existing balance.

In England, as well as in India, we have seen that gold is beginning to bear occasionally a less value than 15 to 1 of silver. There will for some time be fluctuations, and the present circumstances of Europe are especially calculated to produce them, by occasioning local demands for bullion of one or other, or of both descriptions; but the tendency is, and must be, until the increased production of gold is exhausted, towards a further fall in the ratio. Can we then maintain the existing law for striking 15-rupee pieces of

alloy standard coincidently with the notice in the Gazette that those pieces, when so struck, will no longer be received at the rate of fifteen rupees, nor at any other rate? We have clearly the alternative open of either stopping the stamping and issuing of any gold coin, or of issuing and receiving it at such value as may consist with the market value of the metal and save the Government from loss; and if it be desirable to encourage the stamping of gold with a Government device, and to maintain as long as possible the established ratio for the two metals of 15 to 1, then clearly we should seek to adopt such a standard and form for our gold coin as shall be most esteemed, and carry with it the highest value. That additional value is conferred in India by coining the metal pure. For twenty, nay, for thirty years, the Court of Directors have been treating this preference of pure gold coin as a mere prejudice, which would soon wear off. It was shown in 1837 to be a prejudice, estimated at six or seven per cent. We now learn that, instead of being worn out or diminished, the preference has reached a difference of ten per cent., and is carried to such an extent as to encourage the production of spurious pure gold pieces of the old Delhi stamp and standard. If this preference of pure standard coin be treated as a prejudice or prepossession, may not the people of India, with equal justice, complain of the prejudice and prepossession in favour of base standard coin, so obstinately adhered to by the Court of Directors, in spite of the strongest evidence, and of thirty years' experience of the inconvenience and heavy loss to which it has subjected them? If the honourable Court could only be induced to yield to the oft-repeated and earnest recommendations of its Indian authorities, and permit the issue of pure gold coin, the necessity for altering the ratio of 15 to 1, as that at which this coin should be received at the treasuries, may be postponed perhaps indefinitely; and the gold bullion of the East will continue to pour into our mints

for conversion into coin of this esteemed description, to the profit of Government from the seignorage duty, and to its great credit from the superior beauty and appearance of the coin issued, and the much greater security against deception afforded by this purity. If the base standard be maintained, the Government value must be reduced immediately to Rs. 14. 8 a., or the coinage must be absolutely stopped, to prevent the coin being yet further discredited, while other pure coin maintains its superior value.

And, after all, what are the reasons for adhering to the impure standard? Simply the supposition that, because the metal with alloy is harder, the coin will wear better; but if the coin be not wanted for general currency as the ordinary money of traffic, where is the necessity for considering its wear? That is a question for bullion-merchants and dealers, and they come to you and ask especially for the pure coin, notwithstanding the risk of loss by wear. It is said that the natives of India prefer the pure coin because of its more easy conversion into jewellery and ornaments. Be it so ;-still, they are content to pay the seignorage duty, in order to give their gold that shape, and when it possesses it, it passes from hand to hand at a value ten per cent. higher than in any other shape. Why refuse to give it this value, when it not only costs you nothing to do so, but may absolutely be made a source of considerable permanent revenue? And with respect to the wear of pure gold coin, we have taken the trouble to inquire at several bullion-shops of this city, and have had weighed in our presence Venetian and Dutch sequins, coined at least sixty or seventy years ago, and which, it is to be presumed, have circulated all over Asia in this period, as well as in Europe, for in Asia these coins have a preference value because of their purity. Very few of these have been found of short weight, and when so, the wear has been very inconsiderable. Gold coin may purposely be sweated, as it is technically called, for the special purpose of abstracting portions of the metal; but in the transactions of commerce, it is much less liable to wear than silver or copper pieces carried ordinarily in the pocket, and used roughly for any purpose required. If even the fact be admitted that the hard coin must necessarily wear less than the softer pure coin, still the difference in this respect is a very small fraction, and affords no reason for not preferring the pure, if it be at a premium, and can be issued at greater profit. We shall be told, perhaps, that all the governments of Europe have ended in issuing base gold coin, and that this should be reason sufficient for imposing the base standard on India and the East. We deny the fact; there is one remarkable exception. Russia has become convinced of the superiority of the pure coin, and is now striking, for especial circulation in the interior of Asia, sequins of the form and standard of those of Venice, and of the ducats of Holland, which, on account of their purity, are there so much esteemed. Russia aims at extending her influence and credit in the East, and this measure has been adopted by her as a means to that end. The Court of Directors of the East-India Company alone set themselves and their British-standard prejudices in opposition to the universal feeling and customs of the East, and in a matter of proved pecuniary benefit, will not hear of yielding to the prayers and importunities of the country under their trust management, though continually pressed and repeated for thirty years. And what was the origin of the base standard of the gold coin of Europe?-Not the preference of their subjects for

alloyed metal, but the frauds of sovereigns, which debased the coin for purposes of short-sighted self-interest; and when Sir Isaac Newton, in 1717, and the committee of 1801, had to report and make recommendations for the future, the coin was already in that state in England, and they therefore hesitated to recommend a change. If the coin of England had been in the state in which we found that of India, they never would have suggested a preference of the base standard, or an attempt to supersede the pure, such as has been making in vain for thirty years in India.

Importance is attached to uniformity of standard as well as of weight between the gold and silver coin; and this was made one reason for the changes introduced by the law of 1836. If the coin of both metals were expected to circulate together, and always to bear the same relative value of 15 to 1, there might be a benefit in the apparent simplicity of keeping them uniform both in weight and standard; but events show this to be impossible, and one only of these metals is now money, the other is a token o no assigned value, though bearing the name of a 15-rupee piece. Whence, however, came this notion of uniformity? We have it not in England, which is held out as an example for India in standard. The shilling is neither of the same weight nor of the same standard with the sovereign. It has less of alloy in the pound troy by 2 dwts. than our gold coin, and weighs only 87 grains, while the sovereign weighs 123 grains; nor do we find it in the coins of any other state or nation; and surely, therefore, this uniformity can be no reason for continuing a coinage on every other ground objectionable.

We must recollect that we are dealing with gold in a condition of declining value, which for many a century it has never exhibited. If it was thought desirable in India to return to a pure gold coinage in 1825 and 1837, when gold then bore a value of 16 to 1 compared with silver much more so is it expedient now, when by that means alone can the coin struck be brought to bear a value approaching to 15 to 1. Either this must be done, or we must discontinue striking gold coin of any description in India. It is impossible that the law should be left as it is.

ABSENTEE REGULATIONS FOR THE CIVIL
SERVICE.

WE may now, we believe, announce with confidence that the long-discussed questions relating to the absence of members of the civil service from their stations have been settled. The old rules may be presumed to be familiar to those interested in them; but it may be at least useful, if not absolutely necessary, briefly to advert to some of their leading points. Under those rules, no civil servant could pass the limits of the Company's charter without forfeiture of office. Within his own presidency, under medical certificate, a civil servant might retain office for two years, but subject to the deduction of onethird of his salary. Beyond his presidency, but within the limits of the charter, leave of absence for two years might also, on medical certificate, be obtained without abandonment of office, but under a scale of deductions varying with the amount of its salary. If the salary exceeded Rs. 2,000 per mensem, the forfeiture incurred was, for the first year one-sixth, for the second year onefourth. If not exceeding Rs. 2,000 per mensem, the absentee forfeited, for the first year one-eighth ; but no de

duction was made during the first year from a salary of not more than Rs. 500 per mensem, and if above that sum, only so much of the eighth was retrenched as was necessary to reduce it to the minimum of Rs. 500: for the second year such absentees-all whose salaries did not exceed Rs. 2,000 per mensem-were mulcted to the full extent of one-eighth of their emoluments. Such was the old system-indeed it is the existing system, as a few months must be required to bring into operation the new one of which we are now to speak.

The first and most important alteration consists in the abolition of all distinctions and all restrictions as to the place in which it may please the absentee to make his sojourn. He may proceed to any of the sanitaria of India; he may visit any part of Europe,-the gentle south or the bracing north; may eat maccaroni in Naples or caviare in St. Petersburg (if the war should come to an end in the days of any living man); he may carry his gun through the backwoods of America; he may explore the wonders of the country which has lately (so say the showmen) sent us two specimens of its produce in the persons of two Lilliputian children of Jewish physiognomy, to excite the admiration of gaping Cockneys and relieve them of their spare shillings; if he be desirous of studying the many genera and species of vagabondage (he will have learned something of them in India), and moreover be regardless of his pockets, or be careful to have nothing in them, he may wander among the raffish population whom the love of gold has brought together in the country previously noted for nothing but wool and convict-labour,in short, the absentee may go wherever he will, wherever he may deem it most likely to find the renovated health of which he is in search. This change is considerate towards the invalid, and is one which is warranted by the altered circumstances of the age. Steam has almost accomplished the results sought in one of the passages immortalized by the learned Martinius Scriblerus, who, however, jeeringly calls it "a modest request:

"Ye gods annihilate both space and time,

And make two lovers happy."

We come now to the element of time. In future, a civil servant, to be entitled to the full benefits of absence under medical certificate, must have resided upwards of ten years in India, and the total period of absence must not exceed eighteen months in the whole, nor fifteen months on any one occasion. If these periods be exceeded, the vacation of office is the penalty. As it may be in some cases important to be apprized of the mode of computing the time of absence, it may be mentioned that, if the invalid resort to any place within his own presidency, it will be calculated from the date of his arrival thereat; if to any place on the continent of India, but beyond the limits of his own presidency, from the date of his passing the limits of that presidency; if he proceed to sea, from the date of the sailing of the vessel on which he may embark from any port in India which is not more distant from the station of the absentee than the ports of his own presidency; and his arrival at any such port on his return will be considered as terminating his absence.

We next come to the all-important subject of allowances. As a general rule, the absentee will be entitled to draw one-half his salary during the fifteen months or eighteen months allowed, provided such proportion be not more than

Rs. 10,000 per annum, which sum is in no case to be exceeded; but where the salary shall not be above Rs. 5,000, no deduction will be made, nor in any case will the absentee's income be reduced below Rs. 5,000. It has already been mentioned, that on the expiration of the periods just named, the vacation of office follows; but if the absentee's state of health be duly certified to be such as shall require longer postponement of his return to duty, he may be granted an allowance of 500l. per annum for such further period as shall not render his absence more than three years in the whole, after which all allowance will cease.

Although, however, health may be restored, its continued enjoyment cannot be depended upon. It will therefore be provided, that if a civil servant of more than fifteen years' standing, having previously, at any period of his service, been admitted to the advantage of the eighteen months or fifteen months' leave of absence, be again compelled by illhealth to seek such relaxation, it may be granted, on special grounds, but only for six months, during which the absentee may retain office, with half his salary, subject to the conditions and limitations above mentioned. His office will lapse and his salary be withdrawn, if this period be exceeded; but a discretionary power will be given to the local Government to grant an allowance of not more than 5007. per annum, for a period not to exceed twelve months.

It will have been observed, that for the enjoyment of any of the privileges above enumerated, the qualification of upwards of ten years' service is necessary, and for that last adverted to, a service of upwards of fifteen years. Junior servants-those not having served ten years-compelled by sickness to seek relief from occupation and change of place, may obtain leave for fifteen or eighteen months, as may their seniors; but in all such cases they will forfeit their appointments. They will, however, be permitted to draw an allowance of 250l. per annum, which allowance may be continued for eighteen months beyond the expiration of the prescribed periods, if the health of the party render such continuance necessary. But junior servants having enjoyed the benefit of these privileges, or any of them, will not be entitled, when they have attained the qualification of more than ten years' service, to the indulgence provided for servants of that standing; only if the former periods of absence shall, in the whole, have fallen short of three years, the remainder may be granted, with an allowance at the rate of 500l. per annum. After fifteen years, however, such servants may participate in the advantages of the special leave conceded to those of their standing, namely, six months, with retention of office and a proportion of salary, and of twelve months further, if the Government be pleased to grant leave, with an allowance of 500l. a year, office being vacated.

Members of Council will be permitted to absent themselves from the seat of their duties only under special sanction of the Government, and for a period not exceeding six months, during which their offices will be secured to them, and the half of their salaries. If the six months be exceeded, their offices will lapse.

Short leave on private affairs is not to be interfered with. It will, as now, be limited to one month's privilege leave and three months' special-four months in all.

The furlough of three years is to be continued, but to be modified in a manner that will be acceptable to many. When the new rules shall have been framed and brought

into use, the furlough will be allowed to be taken in two periods, if desired, or in one, as at present. If divided, the civil servant must declare, at the time of taking his furlough, the period for which he intends it to continue, which may be either twelve, eighteen, or twenty-four months; the remaining period being reserved for future enjoyment. Where thus divided, the first furlough may be permitted after ten years' residence, and the second after a further period of ten years' residence, to be counted from the date of return from the first furlough. The present allowance of 500l. per annum will be maintained, but will on no account be extended beyond three years, and vacation of office will, as now, continue to be a necessary oonsequence of the acceptance of furlough to Great Britain. Civil servants having been compelled, by sickness, to relinquish their duties before completing ten years' residence, will not thereby forfeit the privilege of furlough, but may be admitted thereto, with the usual allowance, when the requisite term of residence shall have been completed. Three years, whether on sick leave or on ordinary furlough, will count as part of the twentyfive years' service requisite to qualify for an annuity; and short leaves of absence on private affairs, as above, will count both as service and residence.

A new and very important rule will be introduced, by which the period of service in India will be limited. It is intended that no one shall be appointed to any new office after having served thirty-five years, nor be permitted, after such period, to retain any office which he may have held five years. This rule, however, it is proposed to leave open to exceptions, the local government being empowered to refer home for instruction in any special case in which such reference may appear desirable.

With regard to the emoluments of those holding acting appointments, it may be noticed that the principle laid down is, that no expense is to be caused to the state by absence and substitution; but allowances must be so arranged that, on the whole, the payments to absentees and to acting officers must not exceed the prescribed amount of official salaries and emoluments.

Before quitting the subject, it should be observed, that military officers employed on civil services will be subject, in regard to absence and furlough, to the rules in the military department applying to officers holding staff appointments.

Such are to be the rules under which the members of the civil service will shortly be placed in regard to absence from their stations. The most sweeping of all the changes intended to be made-that allowing an absentee to choose his own course as to place, without limit or restraint of any kind-will probably give universal satisfaction. It is a pure boon to the service; it gives much and takes nothing away. If a man choose to go to the Cape, he may still go to the Cape; but if he prefer going to the emporium of business, London, or to the emporium of dissipation, Paris,—to saunter at Brighton, Bath, Cheltenham, Leamington,-or to ascend Mont Blanc with Mr. Albert Smith, to risk his heart by flirting in a gay assemblage of bright-eyed, blooming belles,-or to risk his neck in a steeple-chase, he may indulge his taste, whatever it may be, or wherever it can be indulged. "The world is all before him where to choose," and what can he desire more?

THE CHINESE SYSTEM.

We believe that we were the first to trace the new competition system of examination for public service to China. We rejoice to see that our researches have not been unsuccessful nor unrecognised. The Chinese origin is now generally admitted. The system is all but universally known as the Chinese System, the term by which it was first designated in the columns of a daily morning contemporary, but which has thence passed into common parlance as the shortest and most convenient mode of indicating the fungous article meant to be brought to notice. No wonder that the panegyrist of such a famous system, which England, the most enlightened country in the world, has been content to borrow from the next most enlightened country in the world, China,-no wonder that the eulogist of such a system, where the glory of the contest according to him is to be estimated, like that of contests of another kind, by the number of killed and wounded,―no wonder, we say, that the herald of such triumphs should be made a knight, a commander-in-chief, though probably he never fired a gun or handled a sword in his life, a vice-admiral, albeit he is innocent of affairs maritime as the unconscious infant that sleeps on his nurse's lap. The rewards are not perhaps peculiarly appropriate to the services, but this is not unusual. It might be difficult to say why the Duke of Wellington should have been a D.C.L., or the famous minister William Pitt a member of the Worshipful Company of Grocers. But such things have been, and therefore we need not be surprised to find the champion of a system of education which kills in a proportion which it requires some skilful actuary to calculate-in a proportion, for what we know, not far short of the Manchester mode of carrying out the doctrines of Malthus, should, as an ardent friend of the human race, be rewarded by a cloud of honours so dense, that it positively bewilders. Doctor Bowring he was, before his last display. Whence the honour came we know not-not from Oxford or Cambridge we ween. But from wheresoever it might be, the distinction is eclipsed by what has followed. Doctor Bowring has ceased to be regarded: he is swallowed up in Sir John Bowring, Governor Bowring, Commander-in-Chief Bowring, and Vice-Admiral Bowring. And all this for hunting up a system of education which does not educate in anything worth knowing, but which kills part of the disciples (the combatants we mean) and makes fools of the rest. It is not however with the erudite Doctor, the illustrious Governor, the noble Commander-in-Chief, or the gallant Vice-Admiral, that we at present have to do. Our business is of a different nature; but we thought it would be ungracious, in adverting, as we are compelled to do, to the "Chinese system" (we thank our brother for teaching us this word), to pass over the very conspicuous merits of the Doctor, who understands all languages under the sun, if not a few others also, and who unites to this mass of erudition all those qualities that adorn the character of the courtly knight, the high civil functionary, the daring soldier, and the hardy sailor.

We come now to the subject which has led us into the above tribute to excellence. Our readers are aware that by the Act of Parliament last passed for the government of India, the mode in which members of the civil service were appointed-that mode which has created the first civil service in the world,-was set aside, because, as we