kopf of Philadelphia knew that women and noncombatants had cut off the ears and noses and gouged out the eyes of wounded defenseless Germans.

Scarcely had the Belgians presented their case to the President when the case of Germany was set forth in a pamphlet entitled: "The Truth About Germany: Facts About the War." It was addressed especially to our countrymen, had been written in Germany and the correctness of its statements was, vouched for by an Honorary Committee of four and thirty Germans of distinction. In the preface Dr. John W. Burgess of Columbia University vouched for them. Seventeen he had known for years. With six he had labored as a colleague in University work. "They are the salt of the earth! . . . No statement was ever issued which was vouched for by more solid, intelligent and conscientious people. Its correctness, completeness and veracity cannot be doubted." One article took up the question who was responsible for the war and laid the blame on England. Another reminded us of what England had done in the Civil War. Others explained mobilization and the organization of the German army and navy. Among the statements vouched for by the Honorary Committee are some as unbelievable as any that came out of Belgium. Americans were told "that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the wounded were shot at from houses"; that "German women were dragged naked through the streets (of Antwerp) and shot to death before the eyes of the police and the militia" and that "children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the streets and their limbs were broken."

In the light of what we now know of the activities of German spies and agents in our country against France and Great Britain, and finally against us while still at peace with Germany this complaint against espionage in Germany is worth citing. "This espionage," said the writer, "was directed from central points in foreign countries." "Repeatedly it appeared that the foreign embassies and Consulates in Germany assisted in this work." "This espionage system was supported with large funds." But the writer did not then know of the work

to be carried on in our country by Ambassador von Bernstorff, by von Papen, Captain Boy-Ed, Dumba and a host of others. The pamphlet closed with "an appeal to American Friends"; but the appeal was made on the low plane of profit and loss.

"The American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned into an enormous military camp, may consider himself fortunate that he will soon be able to set foot in the new world where i he will be enabled again to take up his business pursuits. . . . But : the American will feel the effects of the fate of the old world. . . . He will be affected by every victory and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will doubtless remember that of all European countries, Germany is the best customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over one billion marks in cotton, food, metal and technical products. If Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France and England and all the allied friends of wretched Serbia, it would mean the loss of a heavy buyer to America which could not easily be made good." In forty-three years "England, France and Russia had not been able to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy will be."

That such information as Germany wished the people of the United States to have, might be spread as far and as wide as possible the Oberburgermeister of Berlin appealed to the Mayor of New York to act as news agent. "The Fatherland," said he, "has the greatest possible concern that during the war in which it is fighting for life, neutral countries may not be informed of events of the war solely by the press of the enemy." The municipal administration of Berlin regarded it as a duty to make the reports of the German press on the progress of the war accessible to the authorities and citizens of the great municipalities of neutral states. The German newspapers regularly published reports from General Headquarters on the state of affairs. This information which came, plain and unadorned, from an uncontaminated source would give to the world trustworthy and clear accounts of events. He would be greatly obliged, therefore, if the Mayor would be willing to receive the

reports and send them to the sources of public information in the city, and if possible bring them to the knowledge of the citizens by having them exposed in the reading rooms, or in any other suitable manner.

Ninety-three German professors and representatives of science and art now appealed "To the Civilized World" against "the lies and calumnies with which our enemies are endeavoring to stain the honor of Germany in her hard struggle for existence." "It is not true that Germany caused the war." "Neither the people, the government, nor the Kaiser wanted war." Not until "a numerical superiority which had been lying in wait on the frontier assailed us did the whole nation rise to a man."

"It is not true" that Germany "trespassed in neutral Belgium." "It is not true that the life and property of a single Belgian citizen was injured by our soldiers without the bitterest self-defense made it necessary." "It is not true that our troops treated Louvain brutally." "It is not true that our warfare pays no respect to international law." "It is not true that the combat against our so-called militarism is not a combat against our civilization, as our enemies hypocritically pretend it is. Were it not for German militarism German civilization would long since have been extinguished."

"We cannot wrest the poisonous weapon-the lie-out of the hands of our enemies. All we can do is to proclaim to all the world that our enemies are giving false witness against us."

"Have faith in us! Believe that we shall carry on the war to the end as a civilized nation."

Twenty-two German Universities made an appeal, and twenty English scholars answered that of the German professors and men of science. Ludwig Fulda, well known as a writer of poetry and prose, addressed an open letter "To Americans from a German Friend." Fifty-three British authors came to the defense of England. Bernard Shaw's "Common Sense About the War" was published in the New York Times, and was vigorously attacked in the same journal by Arnold Bennett. After the "White Papers" of Great Britain and Germany, the pamphlets containing the correspondence that passed

between them and the Powers from the close of July until the declarations of war, were made public, "A German Review of the Evidence" was written in Germany and sent to Dr. Bernard Dernburg who had it translated and published in the New York Times.

From Dr. Dernburg came a series of articles afterward collected and published in a pamphlet "Search-Lights on the War." One, "Germany and England-The Real Issue," appeared in the Saturday Evening Post; another, "Germany and the Powers," in the North American Review; another, "Germany's Food Supply," in the Review of Reviews, and another, "When Germany Wins," in the Independent with a hearty endorsement by the editor. "We hear a great deal about what England and France are fighting for," said the editor. "We have heard very little-except from English sources-about what Germany is fighting for. Here is a chance to read the other side.

"Dr. Dernburg stands for what we Americans most admire in modern Germany, its industries, its commerce, its technical schools and its efficient organization. . . . He is now in the country on a most important mission. As a man thoroughly familiar with American history and politics as well as finance he understands our point of view and can interpret to us the point of view of his own country."

And now the diplomatic representatives of foreign countries, resident in the United States, began to talk.

Sir Lionel Carden, Minister to Mexico, when about to leave the United States for England, denounced the Government because it withdrew the troops from Vera Cruz. Baron Wilhelm von Schoen, attached to the German Embassy at Tokio until Japan entered the war, arrived in Washington and in an interview sought to excite bad feelings towards Japan. There feeling against the United States, he said, was intense. Should Japan and England be victorious, which he did not believe could happen, the danger to the United States would be great. Japan wanted war. His meaning plainly was that the United States would do well to side with Germany.

The great offender was the Ambassador from Turkey, A. Rustem Bey. His country had not yet entered the war. That

she would do so no one doubted and a report was current that Great Britain had suggested that as a massacre of Christians was likely, the United States should send warships to Turkish waters. Concerning this the Ambassador in an interview said Great Britain, following in the footsteps of France, had agitated before the eyes of the United States the specter of a massacre of Christians in Turkey, and had made this a pretext for requesting the United States to send warships to Turkish ports. Because many newspapers were siding with Great Britain and France he would say that "the thought of lynchings which occur daily in the United States, and the memory of the water cure in the Philippines should make them chary of attacking Turkey in connection with acts of savagery committed by her under provocation." Why should the United States, not one of whose citizens had ever suffered injury in Turkey, "send warships to the ports of that country with the result that it would only cause irritation against her, and could under no circumstances act as a check?" Bombard Smyrna and Beyreuth? "And what more could she do? Nothing! Besides that would be enough to mean war. Do the people of the United States want war?"

For these remarks von Schoen and Rustem Bey might very properly have been required to leave the country. But the administration was long suffering. The attention of von Bernstorff was called to the utterances of von Schoen, then attached to the German Embassy at Washington; the offender called at the Department of State and the incident was settled. Rustem Bey would neither explain nor retract, and, passing by the Secretary of State, he called on the President and announced that he had asked leave of absence and shortly thereafter left our country not to return.

No sooner had Congress assembled in December than the German-Americans turned their attention to munitions of war, and sought to secure legislation to prevent the export of guns, powder, shrapnel and shells from the United States to any of the belligerents. As matters then stood Germany was cut off from such supplies from our country. Therefore they held it was unneutral to sell munitions of war to the Allies. In hope of arousing public sympathy for Germany resolutions were offered in Congress and bills were introduced to prohibit the