be called forth if we continue the War, (and upon that subject, there can be no doubt, till the end for which we took up arms is attained) the only question is, whether each State shall fairly and regularly contribute its quota, or whether, that which hap pens to be the seat of War, shall, (as has too often been the case) bear the whole burden, and suffer more from the neces sities of our own Troops than the ravages of the enemy? Whether we shall drive the enemy from their Posts with a strong Body of regular Troops, or whether we shall permit them. to extend their devastations, while with weak Battalions, and fluctuating corps of Militia, we protect a weak defensive War till our ally is discouraged and some unfavorable change takes place in the System of Europe?

Your Excellency, I am persuaded, will pardon the freedom with which I write? You see the necessity which dictates my Letter, and were it in my power to communicate all that our Friends in Europe think of our inactivity, I am persuaded, you would urge your State to exertions in much stronger terms, tham I dare venture to use.

When Congress call upon a State for supplies, they are usually answered by pleas of disability urged too by the State with good Faith, and a firm persuasion that they speak their real situation; a recurrence to facts, that have passed under their own observation will convince them that they are deceived. From the time that the depreciation of the continental bills of credit begun, till they were no longer current, the States that received them paid a tax equal to all the expenditures of the army, and a very considerable one beyond it, for, if we suppose ten millions of dollars a year to be necessary for their support, then the expence till the close of the campaign 1779, must have amounted

to upwards of fifty millions, exclusive of supplies from Europe, and yet in March 80, the whole national Debt contracted in America, did not in fact amount to five Millions, so that forty five Millions were paid by the United States in those five years of the War, when they had the least commerce and agriculture, and when they were most distressed by the enemy; and this Tax too was the most unjust and partial that can be conceived, unless we except that by which we have since raised much more from the People, without giving so much to the Public, I mean the Laws for impressing &c. which placed the greatest Burden of the war upon the shoulders of a particular order of Men, in particular States only. Now, surely, if by partial and unjust measures which necessity alone can plead for, we have been able to draw from every State, a tax more than equal to the present demand, no State can say that it cannot afford its proportion of a more equitable Tax. Those who have hitherto borne the weight of the war, must warmly espouse a measure, which is so greatly calculated for their Releif; those who have hitherto been eased from the Burden, must be more able to take it up at this time, when they have the most promising expectations of being oblidged to carry it, but for a short time.

It is certain that if we put ourselves in a State to take advantage of Circumstances early in the ensuing Spring, that we have the best grounded Reason to hope, that a few Months will remove the war from our Doors; whereas if we delay to enable Congress to say to their allies "we are ready for an effectual cooperation with any force you may send," they will turn their attention to other objects, and leave us to lament in vain the opportunities we have lost. Every motive, then, national Honor, national interest, public Oeconemy, private ease, and

that love of freedom which prevades every Legislature on the Continent, call loudly, not only for a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, but for so early a compliance as to render it effectual. It is true, we are at present in such a situation as to have no apprehensions for the final establishment of our Independance, but surely it is a matter of some moment to us, whether we shall obtain it, (at least be freed from the ravages of the enemy and the burden of the War) in the course of six Months, at the expence of eight millions of Dollars, or whether, we shall wait for it till a general and perhaps a distant Peace, and be subject in the mean while to infinitely greater expence, and all the distress that attends the Country which is the seat of War;

But, Sir, it is time to dismiss a subject which wants no arguments to illustrate it,

I am confident, you will use every means to convince the State over which you preside, of the danger which will result from relying more upon the weakness of the enemy, than their own strength, more upon the aid of their allies, than their own exertions, more upon unjust, partial hazardous and expensive expedients, than upon an equal and regular support of the measures, which Congress upon the most mature deliberation has recommended to their attention. I have the Honor, Sir, to be, with the greatest Respect and Esteem, your Excellency's most obed't humble Servant

Robt. R. Livingston.

[No. 3564.]

President Weare, of New Hampshire, Requests Governor Clinton to Exchange Official Publications.

State of New Hampshire. Hampton Falls, Feb. 1781. Sir, I sometime past, informd your Excellency, that as soon as the acts of this State were printed, I should embrace the first Oppertunity of sending them to you. I now do my self the pleasure of transmiting to your Excellency, Copies of the acts pass'd in this State, from the time we took up Government to July last and shall do my self the honor of transmiting from time to time, such future acts may be pass'd here. An interchange of the like kind, if agreeable to you, will be very acceptable, and the favor acknowledged with gratitude. I have the honor to be, with every Sentiment of Esteem and Respect yr. Obt. Hum'le Ser't

His Excellency Governor Clinton.

Meshech Weare.

[No. 3565.]

Congress Authorizes the Governor to Appoint a Temporary Commissioner of Accounts.

Albany, 1st March 1781. D'r Sir, I am authorized by Congress to appoint a témporary Com'r, to join with other Com'rs in receiving and liquidating the accounts of the Public Officers & Inhabitants of this State against the United States, and to be entitled to the same Emoluments while in Office as a Com'r of the Chambers at the Treasury with the addition of Travelling Expences.

Many Reasons conspire to induce me to give you the preferrence in this appointment, leaving you, however, perfectly at

Liberty to consult your own Inclination & Convenience as to the acceptance of it.

How long you will be engaged in the Business it is impossible to determine; as the amount of the Debt, however, is great I have no doubt but it will take a considerable time to settle the accounts.

Public Justice and the particular Interest of our State require that this office should not remain long vacant, and, therefore, you will see the necessity of your communicating to me your Determination as soon as possible. Should you determine to accept, I must request you to repair to the State without Loss of time, in order that you may be qualified for the due Execution of the office.

Colo. Brasher.

[No. 3566.]

[G. C.]

Benjamin Clapp in Behalf of His Son, Captured by Delancey's Corps. Nine Partners, March 3d, 1781.

May it Please your Exelency. Having Confidenc in your Excellencyes Readiness to relieve the distressed, emboldens me to solicite your present Assistance in getting my son exchanged as soon as possible; he was taken prisoner the 14 of Fabruary by a party of Dullaneyes Core [Delancey's Corps] when the came up to Kings Street & burnt my House & Barn with some others: my fears of his Safety are not groundless, for Dulaney has made me & Family many threats, because of our Attachment to our Cuntries Cause; therefore, should be very happy if your Excellency would be pleased to see to have him exchanged as soon as possible, which will give me unspeakable Happiness, and in the Interiam shall wait with full expetations of your Excellencyes