We have seen, my young readers, that six months dancing attendance at the Theatre may cost you individually, two hundred and sixteen dollars! The Circus is open about the same length of time yearly, that the Theatre is. Suppose that we compromise, on the ground that some of the items I have mentioned, may not be included in your theatrical expenditures; and that we thereby reduce the expense of both establishments to every young man who follows them up closely, to two hundred and fifty dollars! And is not this what the proverb calls "wilful waste"-that waste which leads to "woeful want ?"—surely it is. But what shall we do with this sum of two hundred and fifty dollars? perhaps you ask. You ought yourselves, to be the best judges of this, seeing that you are undoubtedly responsible to your Creator for the use which you make of your life, your time and money: And do you not think, my young readers, that you would please God best by laying up at least one half or three quarters of this money, thus wasted, for the purpose of aiding you to settle respectably in business for yourselves? And do you not think God would be well pleased, were you to bestow the remainder in promoting some one or more of the benevolent objects of the age? Do not the poor claim your sympathy? Does not the cause of science,

of literature, liberty and religion, demand your aid? Could you not educate some orphan child, with a small portion of what you squander on idle if not vicious amusements? Have none of you aged and infirm fathers, or widowed mothers, whose poverty you might assuage, whose distress you might relieve, by contributing to them what you throw away upon others, who have not only no kindred claims upon your sympathy; but are indeed, your worst enemies, your foulest foes? They lead you to perdition —and then, like the madman in the scriptures, turn upon you, and cry-" Was I not in sport?"

Once more, then, before I conclude this article, let us all beware, as a nation, and as individuals, of the spirit of luxury, of idleness, and of levity: And above all, which we have as yet scarcely touched upon, let us, more than ever, beware of the spirit of infidelity—that foolish, foul and abominable spirit, which leads both the rulers and the ruled of all nations to destruction; which every where encourages vice, anarchy and confusion; which in revolutionary France murdered an innocent monarch, and thousandsof innocent men, women and children; which in England as well as in France, and in this country, has sought to abolish the ties of matrimony, and to substitute unbridled license and universal misery; and which in this state,

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in particular, has raised an agrarian party-a party for an equal division of property! [A.] Infidelity is inscribed on the banners of this party; and ruin, and rapine, and desolation, and woe, must follow in the train of its success, should the Almighty, to scourge us for our national sins, permit it to succeed. It has actually succeeded in banishing from our legislative halls the voice of prayer; and with it too much, if not all, of that reverence for God and his holy laws and attributes, without which, neither nations nor individuals can prosper. Oh! for the revival of the spirit of our fathers!—that spirit of piety and patriotism which animated the calumniated and abused Cromwell, [B.] and the brave and illustrious Hampden, when the one so justly turned out of doors a corrupt and profligate Parliament, and the other bled and died in the battle of Chalgrave-that glorious and immortal spirit which moved with Sidney and Russell to the scaffold-and which crossed the Atlantic with the stern and inflexible puritans of undying fame, who planted the eternal standard of the cross and of civil liberty on the rock of Plymouth, the resting place of the rock of ages!

NOTE A. I should not, perhaps, have alluded to this party here, were it not, that in a recent tour through the western counties of this. state, I met one of its most active agents, who was engaged in organising societies on the atheistical, deistical, and agrarian plan. He succeeded, to my certain knowledge, in establishing several such societies. And visionary as their object, so far as it embraces the division of property, may be considered; yet I am satisfied, from a number of facts, which came under my observation, on the tour alluded to, that they are destined to become a troublesome, if not a dangerous faction. That the missionaries of Metternich and Co., who form the Austrian Leopold conspiracy, against the liberties of mankind, may be at the bottom of this scheme, as one of the means of dividing, distracting and destroying this republic, is as likely as not. But be this as it may, the scheme does exist, has progressed, and is progressing,

NOTE B.-No man, in all probability, ever possessed more public or private virtue than Cromwell; and no man, perhaps, has ever been more calumniated by partizan writers, from Hume down to the lowest scribbler. Hume's first notice of him, while a young member on the floor of Parliament, is accompanied by a sneer remarkable for its malignity, and destitute of foundation. It is evident that Cromwell did not set out with a view to usurp the government of his country. On the contrary, being disgusted with its tyranny, he and Hampden, and others, of the same republican principles, had embarked for America; but were stopped by order of that Monarch, whose head they afterwards brought to the block! To become a voluntary exile from his country, was certainly no mark of foul ambition. We do not pretend that Cromwell had not his faults, or failings; but we do contend that neither Hume, nor any other party writer, could do justice to a character so elevated, and bent upon so noble a design as that of giving freedom to his country. But whatever his faults may have been, the fault was not his, that the people of England were incapable of exercising the sovereignty which belongs to them-incapable of self-go, vernment-inadequate to the reception or the preservation of that freedom which he undoubtedly intended for them : And surely since he was not allowed to seek freedom in the wilds of America, it ought not to have been expected that he would tamely submit to tyranny at home. It was, perhaps, his fault that he suffered his ambition at last to get the better of his understanding, though not of his virtue; for it is pretty clear that his ambition had neither meanness nor wickedness in it. We believe the worst that can be said of it, is, that it was a weakness. This is proved by the fact, that his government at home was just; and that he aimed at no conquest over foreign nations. one act, Cromwell and his party were wrong; and we suspect the

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wrong was more in the party than the leader. They ought not to have executed Charles I. as a criminal, although he richly deserved it; but they ought to have spared his life, and sent him, with as many of his friends as he could induce to go with him, to live by honest industry in cultivating the wilds of New-England; giving at the same time an extensive tract of several hundred acres of land to each individual. This would have been magnanimous towards the great criminal, and liberal towards his interested or infatuated followers.

Cromwell has been compared by shallow wits to Bonaparte; a very silly comparison, and as unjust as silly towards him. Bonaparte aimed at universal conquest; Cromwell aimed only to preserve the boundaries and influence of his country as he found them. Bonaparte was restrained by no love of justice or religion: Cromwell was governed by both; his piety is unquestionable. England has never flourished more under any monarch, than she did under him. But he was a presbyterian in religion and a republican in politics, though unfortunately driven from his true republican ground by the force of circumstances. This is the foundation of all the abuse and calumny that have been heaped upon his memory; which Americans, however, ought to be the last to reproach: For had it not been for Luther, Calvin, Cromwell and their followers, the foundations of our political systems would not have been laid, as they are, in the letter and spirit of the imprescriptible, unalienable, and natural rights of man. For this, under God, we have to thank such men as Cromwell; or perhaps more properly, to thank God for rearing up such men as Cromwell for the great works which they performed. We could, with real pleasure, go much further into this subject—but we should be in danger of swelling our note beyond the bulk of our text. It would require a volume to do justice to the subject, and rescue several long abused and insulted names from the foul grasp of calumny. We will add, however, that if nearly all history were not a lie, we never should have heard a word of abuse against Cromwell; never but for this, would that great and venerable, that glorious and immortal name, have been the sport of knaves, or the scorn of fools: And had the people of England been in his day, what the American people were in 1776, CROMWELL and WASHINGTON would have gone down to all posterity as the Castor and Pollux of ciyil, military and political history.