1881.] would be the signal to the Lan: Daze with increased vigour, and there be further inflamed by inse tween the two branches of th however, soon to be relieved 12 (15th), it was currently more firmly by the points of the Y indisposed to make varios fra would satisfy the majo Commons met, and Mr. Gas adopted by the Goverman siderate language that be femrat 1 and dignified. He dwelt in the ensem able length. The right of appen fra de Court was considerably eredet from the benefits of the E fell in subsequent to 1942, va 12 Ulster tenant-right exon va get it in Sare tained for it the approval of Ke Sawat No. مكعب point the Government gare VET ES gelden-le Farmi The reas desertion of his aliy va on ederse it the Lords of te vertr of any secret underesting - the mist ha author of the clause as age of the me it the dive Commons had protocused it to be worldse point Mr. Gladstone proposed at the Houe in very sa't i jorities agreed, to dissent from the Lore amendments. beinte COLcluding he emphaticat met u weer pay is any conpromise or secret understanLA WAT! The readers of any melbere of the Opposition, as Lad been suggested in Nic Faruel aus solue of his friends. Sir Staford Northcote, wild was suffering from in disposition, entered a very feetue prest against the course taken by Mr. Gladstone, and a committee was appointed to draw up a statement of reasons for differing from the Lords amendments. Judging from the altered tone of the London and provincial press, on the morning after Mr. Giadstone's statement, the fear of any immediate crisis was considerably aayed. The Liberal aud independent organs foresaw the speedy collapse of the Lords' opposition, whilst the extreme Conservative journals found equally firm ground for satisfaction in Mr. Gladstone's final concessions. The St. James's Gazette declared that the Government, whilst insisting on their own form of words in several clauses which raised questions of minor importance, would still maintain their view with regard to the Duke of Argyll's amendment to the purchase of Lister-tenant right, would nevertheless accept the more important of the Lords' amendments-for instance, the landlord's access to the court; Lord Pembroke's amendment as to the deterioration c farm-buildings; the allowing of appeals and the suspension of legal processes, would be assented to; and, above all, Lord Salisbury's important proviso that the cost of tenant right should not be taken into consideration in settling the judicial rent, would be left intact. The hopes thus inspired of a peaceful solution were strengthened by the rumours of what transpired at a meeting of Conservatives held at Lord Salisbury's house. When later in the day the House of Lords met, although there was a considerable attendance of Peers, the falling off on the Conservative side was very appreciable, and the two parties seemed pretty evenly balanced. On the order for the further consideration of the Commons' further amendments to the Irish Land Bill being read, Lord Salisbury rose to give a history of the action of the two Houses. He contended that he had throughout adhered to the policy of making no changes which really interfered with the main principles of the Bill. The two important points which he and his friends had attempted to secure were that the landlord should have the same means of access to the Land Court as the tenant, and that there should be no danger of fixing the rent in such a way as to diminish it in proportion to the price paid by the tenant to his predecessor for his interest in the holding. To these principles the House of Commons had assented, and he thought they might regard this fact with satisfaction, though his opinion as to the injustice of many of the enactments of the Bill remained unaltered. With regard to the amendments of the Duke of Argyll, although still ready himself to support them, their author not being present, he would not undertake the responsibility of moving them in his absence. Lord Lansdowne then having expressed himself satisfied with the general concessions, declined to press his point with regard to the position of leaseholders, and all further opposition to the Bill ceased. Lord Carlingford declared that the Bill, as it then stood, maintained all the principles which the Ministers sought to embody in it, and expressed his belief that it would be beneficial both to the landlords and tenants of Ireland. After a few words from Lord Monck in approval of the Bill, and an assurance from Lord Granville that the Government would not relax its vigour and energy in maintaining the law, the amendments as finally settled were agreed to, and the debates on the Irish Land Bill, which had occupied the entire session, were at last on August 16 finally closed, and on the 22nd the Royal assent was given to it by Commission. CHAPTER 1. Death of the Earl of Beaconsfie.-T... of Queen's Bench-The Universe 1. BEFORE passing in review the LT channels than those through wit policy had divided; aus Mit. Dorei weng and at length in 1667 be man abe. V eart ہیں to a class which he comerset, agaism to opalan his colleagues, was open to Jory and amuse, aut other than purely economica, view. electorate was avowedy antogether imperler, later an appeal to the country paset the Couservative party IL power with a larger majory at it at eainet since the Gave of Lord Liverpoo. For the first time, atver jong auc patient waiting, Mr. Darbel was abe, not only to unfoid the tendencies of modern Toryism, but to give to the wond some idea of those qualities as a mateman auc director of English policy which fate had till ther demes to m His first object was to reassert for England her position in the Councils of Europe, and to make the strength of the Empire felt in every quarter of the globe. To effect this purpose, Lord Beaconsfield, although above all other statesmen of his time a Parliamentary man,' displayed on more than one occasion a singular disregard for Parliamentary form, as in the purchase of the Suez Canal Shares, and the summoning of Indian troops to Malta. His policy, however, was enthusiastically endorsed by a large section of the nation, and at the close of the Berlin Congress, at which he represented this country, his fame stood on a level with that of the most successful politicians of the day. The result of the general election of 1880, although it may have disappointed him, neither disturbed his equanimity nor betrayed him into a loss of dignity or reserve. To the whole people of England Lord Beaconsfield was an object of admiration, as one who from complete obscurity had fought his way to the highest position in the State, and who, when he was no longer the Minister of the Crown, succeeded without protest to the delicate post formerly occupied by Lord Melbourne, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Lansdowne, of chief adviser to the Sovereign. The party which he led was essentially his own, created, educated, and directed by him; and the strength of the work which he had been thirty years in perfecting, became most evident in the day of its defeat. The verdict of the public was almost unanimous in admiration of his genius, if not in commendation of his aims. The Times found his secret of success in his 'high courage, his unswerving purpose, his imperturbable temper, and his versatile mastery of Parliamentary tactics.' The Standard believed his name would be recorded amongst the most illustrious of English statesmen, as a statesman devoted to principles and bent on applying them in action, and as the leader of a party defeated and disorganised repeatedly, and raised under his admirable guidance to a position of strength and good repute. Mr. Disraeli had made for himself a name, the lustre of which no rancorous efforts of political partisanship can darken.' The Daily News regarded him as the most successful man of his time. 6 His zeal for England cannot be doubted. He longed to see her dictating the destinies of the world, and himself dictating her destinies,' and prophesied that with him much of the brightness and colour of English political life would be blotted out. The Pall Mall Gazette, recognising the personal ambition which distinguished Lord Beaconsfield's ideas from the narrower type of party leader, admitted that he pursued his objects with a strength and singleness of will that has seldom been surpassed in the history of human effort. We recognise his penetration, his judgment of character, his dexterity in the tactics of party, his equality of temper, his imperturbable self-command. In Lord Beaconsfield they were all brought to the highest point of effectiveness by an indomitable will, by a patience and tenacity that in their own way may be called heroic. Akin to the strength of will was a 6 434 members. On the ame vecanta a Granville, in moving an address to Le graceful tribute to Lord 3-acon-ten, zn for the first time in his namcter t This inheritance, it was ser el 201 his deceased colleague's mention. 2 to a general leadership of the ar else to the putting of the 5 mon the House of Lords was concernet. The Cher Helmowi and Marlborough, as well as Ear Cane sui ter respective supe porters amongst their order and a the res and at me time rumour beguiled itself with tales of userson anongst the Tories 2 but at a meeting held on May 2, the pros of Lord Sals bury's name, made by the primespai memien of the Cterative party, was unanimously rated by the Peers present. Sir Staford Northcote, it was decided was remain the head of the party in the Commons, and this excitatie it was felt would assure to Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote far greater powers and freedom of action than would have been accorded to either of the three other Peers named had the choice fallen upon one of them. Each of the chosen two was supposed to be eminently gifted with those qualities necessary for party leadership in which the other was thought to be deficient; and the Conservative policy was felt to be safe in the guidance of a duumvirate in which boldness and prudence were equally represented. Public opinion admitted that the arrangement made by the Conservatives was one which guaranteed to them advantages which were unattainable in the absence of the single leader, whose loss had for a moment filled them with dismay, and this opinion was fully justified by the first public acts of the coequal chiefs. Although the Bills relating to Ireland occupied the attention of Parliament to the exclusion of almost every other topic, it must not be assumed that the session was from other points of view wholly barren of incident, or that events were not happening outside Parliament which bore very closely upon the political history of the year. In order to follow them, it is necessary to retrace our steps, reserving for a separate chapter all reference to the foreign and colonial policy of the Government. The need of some more drastic method for dealing with |