WILLIAM RAY. At Georgia's southern point begin ye, ; This gives the wretch whose hide is white, Are you republicans ?-away! 'Tis blasphemy the word to say. How dare you prate of public good, Your hands besmear'd with human blood? How dare you say there is a God That will, in justice, from the skies, "Slaves to be sold," hark, what a sound? A scar, a stigma of disgrace, Which you nor time can e'er efface; And prove, of nations yet unborn, The curse, the hatred, and the scorn! The Horrors of Slavery, or Tars of Tripoli. CAPTAIN RILEY. Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proudspirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting under the lash of inhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. This is no picture of the imagination. For the honor of human nature, I wish likenesses were nowhere to be found! I myself have witnessed such scenes in different parts of my own country; and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror.-Riley's Narrative. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-CLINTON-TOMPKINS. 35 U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. "Resolved, That the Speaker be requested to acknowledge the receipt and acceptance of Clarkson's History of Slavery, presented by the American Convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condition of the Africans, and that the said work be deposited in the library."-Resolution, Feb. 18, 1809. DE WITT CLINTON. During this period of his legislative career (1797), a large portion of his attention was bestowed on the protection of the public health, the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and the arts, the gradual abolition of slavery, &c. The record of the proceedings of the senate of New York for the sessions of 1809, 1810, and 1811, exhibits proofs of Mr. Clinton's great usefulness. Under his auspices, the New-York Historical Society was incorporated-the Orphan Asylum and Free School Societies were fostered and encouraged. He introduced laws to prevent kidnapping, or the further introduction of slaves, and to punish those who should treat them inhumanly.-De Witt Clinton's Life in Delaplaine's Repository. DANIEL D. TOMPKINS. To devise the means for the gradual and ultimate extermination from amongst us of slavery, that reproach of a free people, is a work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation. Allow me here to observe, that the law which authorizes the transportation of slaves convicted of offences, is very generally considered impolitic and unjust. Impolitic, because it cherishes inducements in the master, to whom alone these unfortunate creatures can look for friendship and protection, to aggravate, to tempt, or to entrap the slave into an error-to operate upon his ignorance or his fears, to confess a charge, or to withhold from him the means of employing counsel for defence, or of establishing a reputation which is frequently the only shield against a criminal allegation. This inducement will be peculiarly strong, where the slave is of that description, the sale of which is prohibited; for a conviction will enable the master to evade that restriction, and to make a lucrative disposition of what might otherwise be a burthen to him. It is unjust, because transportation is added to the full sentence which may be pronounced upon others. To inflict less punishment for the crimes of those who have always breathed the air of freedom, who have been benefited by polished society, and by literary, moral, and religious instruction and example, than to the passions and frailties of the poor, untutored, unrefined, and unfortunate victims of slavery, is a palpable inversion of a precept of our benevolent Redeemer. The servant "that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes; for unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required." -Speech to New-York Legislature, Jan. 8, 1812. ANDREW JACKSON. Proclamation to the free colored inhabitants of Louisiana.—Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist. As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children, for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence. Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in the cause, without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you. To every noble hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty, in money and lands, now received by the white soldiers of the United States, viz: one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will, also, be entitled to the same monthly pay, and daily rations and clothes, furnished to any American soldier. On enrolling yourselves in companies, the major-general commanding will select officers for your government from your white fellow-citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves. Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes to the governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of enrolment, and will give you every necessary information on the subject of this address. ANDREW JACKSON, Major General commanding. } HEAD QUARTERS, 7th Military District, [On December 18, 1814, GENERAL JACKSON issued in the French language the following.] ADDRESS TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR. Soldiers! When on the banks of the Mobile, I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected much from you; for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well, how you loved your native country, and that you had, as well as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear-his parents, relations, wife, children, and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among you a noble enthusiasm, which leads to the performance of great things. Soldiers! The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the Representatives of the American people will, I doubt not, give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your general anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor. The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them. Their only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valor, or who the most glory, its noblest reward. By Order. THOMAS BUTLER, Aid-de-camp. JOSEPH STORY. The existence of slavery under any shape is so repugnant to the natural rights of man and the dictates of justice, that it seems difficult to find for it any adequate justification. It undoubtedly had its origin in times of barbarism, and was the ordinary lot of those conquered in war. It was supposed the conqueror had a right to take the life of his captive, and by consequence might well bind him to perpetual servitude. But the position itself on which this supposed right is founded, is not true. No man has a right to kill his enemy, except in cases of absolute necessity; and this absolute necessity ceases to exist even in the estimation of the conqueror himself, when he has spared the life of his prisoner. And even, if in such a case it were possible to contend for the right of slavery, as to the prisoner himself, it is impossible that it can justly extend to his innocent offspring through the whole line of descent. Congress, with a promptitude which does honor to their humanity and wisdom, proceeded, in 1794, to pass a law to prohibit the traffic of slaves by our citizens in all cases not within the reach of the constitutional restriction; and thus cut off the whole traffic between foreign ports. In the year 1800, an additional law was passed to enforce the former enactments; and in the year 1807, (the epoch, when the constitutional restriction was to cease, beginning with the ensuing year) a general prohibition of the traffic as well in our domestic as foreign trade, was proudly incorporated into our statute book. About the same period, the British government, after the most severe opposition from slave dealers and their West Indian friends, achieved a similar measure, and enacted general prohibition of the trade, as well to foreign ports as to their colonies. This act was indeed the triumph of virtue, of reason, and of humanity over the hard-heartedness of avarice; and while it was adorned by the brilliant talents of Pitt, Fox, Romilly, and Wilberforce, let us never forget that its success was principally owing to the modest, but persevering labors of the Quakers; and above all, to the resolute patience and noble philanthropy of a man immortalized by his virtues, the intrepid Thomas Clarkson. It is a most cheering circumstance, that the examples of the United States and Great Britain in thus abolishing the slave-trade, have, through the strenuous exertions of the latter, been generally approved throughout the continent of Europe. The government of Great Britain has, indeed, employed the most indefatigable and persevering diligence to accomplish this desirable object; and treaties have been made by her with all the principal foreign powers, providing for a total abolition of the trade within a very short period. May America not be behind her in this glorious work; but by a generous competition in various deeds, restore the degraded African to his natural rights, and strike his manacles from the bloody hands of his oppressors. By our laws, it is made an offence for any person to import or bring, in any manner whatsoever, into the United States or its territories, from any foreign country, any negro, mulatto, or person of color, with intent to hold, sell, or dispose of him as a slave, or to be held to service or labor. It is also made an offence for any citizen or other person as master, owner, or factor, to build, fit, equip, load, or otherwise prepare any vessel in any of our ports, or to cause any vessel to sail from any port whatsoever, for the purpose of procuring any negro, mulatto, or person of color from any foreign country, to be transported to any port or place whatsoever, to be held, sold, or disposed of as a slave, or to be held to service or labor. It is also made an offence for any citizen, or other person, resident within our |