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originally written, it is now impossible to ascertain. It is equally uncertain by whom this book was written, and whether it contains any matters historically true, or whether the whole is a fiction. Grotius is of opinion that it is an entire fiction, and that it was composed by some Hellenistic Jew under the name of Baruch. In the Vulgate version it is placed after the Lamentations of Jeremiah; but it was never considered as a canonical book by the Jews, though, in the earliest ages of Christianity, it was cited and read as a production entitled to credit. The principal subject of the book is an epistle, pretended to be sent by Jehoiakim and the cap tive Jews in Babylon, to their brethren in Judah and Jerusalem. The last chapter contains an epistle which falsely bears the name of Jeremiah; there are two versions of this book extant, one in Syriac, and one in Arabic; the Latin translation in the Vulgate is prior to the time of Jerome.

IX. "THE SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN" is placed in the Greek versions of Daniel (both the Septuagint and Theodotion's), and also in the Vulgate Latin version, between the twenty-third and twenty-fourth verses of the third chapter. It does not appear to have ever been extant in Hebrew, and although it has always been admired for the piety of its sentiments, it was never admitted to be canonical, until it was recognised by the council of Trent. The fifteenth verse contains a direct falsehood; for it asserts that there was no prophet at that time, when it is well known that Daniel and Ezekiel both exercised the prophetic ministry in Babylon. This apocryphal fragment is therefore most probably the production of some Hellenistic Jew. The hymn (verses 29. et seq.) resembles the hundred and forty-eighth Psalm. It was introduced into the public formularies of the Christian church very early, and was so approved of by the compilers of our liturgy, that, in the first Common Prayer Book of King Edward VI. it was retained and was used instead of the Te Deum during Lent, though it is now seldom read, except perhaps when the third chapter of the book of Daniel is the first lesson. It is on record, that this hymn was used so early as the third century in the Liturgies of the Christian church.

X. THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA has always been treated with some respect, but has never been considered as canonical, though the council of Trent admitted it into the number of sacred books. It is evidently the work of some Hellenistic Jew, and in the Vulgate version it forms the thirteenth chapter of the book of Daniel, being avowedly translated from Theodotion's Greek version, in which it is placed at the beginning of that book. The Septuagint version of Daniel (which was excluded for Theodotion's, in or soon after the second century) does not contain it, as appears by the Chigi MS., published at Rome in 1772. Lamy and some other modern critics, after Julius Africanus, consider it to be both spurious and fabulous.

18, 19. there is mention of a prayer by the king, which is said to be written "in the Book of the Kings of Israel," and also, "among the sayings of the seers." But it is evident that this composition, which abounds with deeply pious and penitent expressions, cannot be the prayer there alluded to for it never was extant in Hebrew, nor can it be traced to a higher source than the Vulgate Latin version. As it is mentioned by no writer more ancient than the pseudo-Clement, in the pretended apostolical constitutions, which were compiled in the fourth century, it is probable that this prayer was composed by some unknown person, who thought he could supply the loss of the original prayer.

XIII. The two books of MACCABEES are thus denominated, because they relate the patriotic and gallant exploits of Judas Maccabæus and his brethren: they are both admitted into the canon of Scripture by the church of Rome.

1. The FIRST BOOK contains the history of the Jews, from the beginning of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes to the death of Simon, a period of about thirty-four years. Its original language has been greatly controverted. Jerome expressly says that he had seen the original in Hebrew.3 But this is supposed to have been lost. The title which it then bore, was Sharbit Sar Bene El, which has been variously translated, The Scourge of the Rebels against the Lord, and The Sceptre of the Prince of the Sons of God: a title which is not unsuitable to the character of Judas, who was a valiant commander of the persecuted Israelites. The author of this book is not certainly known; some conjecture that it was written by John Hyrcanus, the son of Simon, who was prince and high-priest of the Jews for nearly thirty years, and who commenced his government at the time when this history ends; by others it is ascribed to one of the Maccabees, and many are of opinion that it was compiled by the Great Synagogue. It is, however, not improbable, that it was composed in the time of John Hyrcanus, when the wars of the Maccabees were terminated, either by Hyrcanus himself, or by some persons employed by him. From the SyroChaldaic (or Hebrew) it was translated into Greek, and thence into Latin. Our English version is made from the Greek. The first book of Maccabees is a most valuable historical monument, written with great accuracy and fidelity, on which more reliance may be placed than on the writings of Josephus, who has borrowed his materials from it, and has frequently mistaken its meaning."

2. The SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES consists of several pieces compiled by an unknown author. It commences with two epistles sent from the Jews of Jerusalem to those of Alexandria and Egypt, exhorting them to observe the feast of the dedication of the new altar, erected by Judas Maccabæus on his purifying the temple. These epistles, which are confessedly spurious, are followed by the author's preface to his history, which is an abridgment of a larger work, XI. "The History of the Destruction of BEL AND THE compiled by one Jason, an Hellenistic Jew of Cyrene; who DRAGON" was always rejected by the Jewish church: it is wrote in Greek the history of Judas Maccabæus and his not extant either in the Hebrew or the Chaldee language. brethren, and an account of the wars against Antiochus Jerome gives it no better title than that of the fable of Bel Epiphanes, and his son Eupator, in five books. The entire and the Dragon; nor has it obtained more credit with pos- work of Jason has long since perished, and Dr. Prideaux is terity, except with the divines of the council of Trent, who of opinion' that the author of this second book of Maccabees determined it to be a part of the canonical Scriptures. The was an Hellenistic Jew of Alexandria, because he makes a design of this fiction is to render idolatry ridiculous, and to distinction between the temple in Egypt and that at Jerusaexalt the true God; but the author has destroyed the illusion lem, calling the latter "the great temple." This book is by of his fiction by transporting to Babylon the worship of no means equal in accuracy to the first, which it contradicts animals, which was never practised in that country. This in some instances; it is not arranged in chronological order, book forms the fourteenth chapter of Daniel in the Latin and sometimes also it is at variance with the inspired writVulgate; in the Greek it was called the prophecy of Hab-ings. Compare 2 Macc. i. 18. with Ezra iii. 2, 3. and ii. bakuk, the son of Jesus, of the tribe of Levi; but this is 5-8. with Jer. iii. 16. The second book of Maccabees, evidently false, for that prophet lived before the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and the events pretended to have taken place in this fable are assigned to the time of Cyrus. There are two Greek texts of this fragment, that of the Septuagint, and that found in Theodotion's Greek version of Daniel. The former is the most ancient, and has been translated into Syriac. The Latin and Arabic versions, together with another Syriac translation, have been made from the texts of Theodotion.

XII. "THE PRAYER OF MANASSES, king of Judah, when he was holden captive in Babylon," though not unworthy of the occasion on which it is pretended to have been composed, was never recognised as canonical. It is rejected as spurious even by the church of Rome. In 2 Chron. xxxiii. Wheatley on the Common Prayer, chap. iii. sect. 12. Shepherd on the Common Prayer, p. 231. London, 1796, 8vo.

2 Of this the reader may see a proof in the paranomasia, or play upon words, which has already been noticed in p. 282. of this volume."

therefore, must be read with great caution. It contains the history of about fifteen years, from the execution of the commission of Heliodorus, who was sent by Seleucus to bring away the treasures of the temple, to the victory obtained by Judas Maccabæus over Nicanor, that is, from the year of the world 3828 to 3843. Two ancient translations of this book are extant, one in Syriac, the other in Latin; both are prior to the time of Jerome, and both miserably executed. The version in our Bibles was executed from the Greek.

3 Hieron. Prolog. Galeat, sive Præf. in Lib. Regum.

Dr. Kennicott, however, in his "Dissertatio Generalis," cites two

manuscripts, one of which, No. 474., is preserved at Rome, "Libr. Maccab. Chaldaice," written early in the thirteenth century; a second, No. 613., existing at Hamburgh, "Libr. Maccab. Hebraice," written in the ye 1448. Dr. Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees, p. xxi.

s Prideaux's Connection, vol. ii. pp. 185, 186.

6 Michaelis, Introd. to New Test. vol. i. p. 71.

↑ Connection, vol. ii. pp. 186, 187.

of reason," ascribed to Josephus by Philostratus, Eusebius, and Jerome. Its author is not known: it is extant in the Vatican and Alexandrian manuscripts, and in various editions of the Septuagint, in which it is placed after the three books of Maccabees, but it is not extant in any Latin Bibles. It is designed to adorn and enlarge the history of old Eleazar, and of the seven brothers, who with their mother suffered martyrdom under Antiochus, as is related more succinctly in the sixth and seventh chapters of the second book of Maccabees.3 Dr. Cotton has the honour of giving the first correct English version of this book.

Besides the two books of Maccabees here noticed, there | same as the book "concerning the government, or empire are three others which bear their names, but very improperly neither of them has ever been reputed canonical. 3. The THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES contains the history of the persecution of the Jews in Egypt by Ptolemy Philopater, and their sufferings under it. From its style, this book appears to have been written by some Alexandrian Jew: it abounds with the most absurd fables. With regard to its subject, it ought in strictness to be called the FIRST book of Maccabees, as the events it professes to relate occurred before the achievements of that heroic family; but as it is of less authority and repute than the other two, it is reckoned after them. It is extant in Syriac, though the translator seems to have been but imperfectly acquainted with the Greek language; and it is also found in some ancient manuscripts of the Greek Septuagint, particularly in the Alexandrian and Vatican manuscripts; but it was never inserted in the Latin Vulgate, nor in our English Bibles. Being reputed to be a canonical book by the Greek church, it is inserted in the various editions of the Septuagint: a translation of the third book of Maccabees is inserted in Becke's edition of the English Bible, printed in 1551; a second translation by Mr. Whiston was published in his "Authentic Documents," in two volumes, 8vo. 1719-27; and a third version, made by the Rev. Clement Crutwell, was added to his edition of the authorized English version, with the notes of Bishop Wilson. Dr. Cotton considers Mr. Whiston's version to be the more faithful of the three; but he has not held himself bound to retain it in his English edition of the five books of Maccabees, wherever an examination of the original suggested an alteration as advisable.2 4. The FOURTH BOOK OF MACCABEES is supposed to be the

5. The FIFTH BOOK OF MACCABEES is the work of an unknown author, who lived after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus; it is supposed to have been compiled from the acts of each successive high-priest. Although Calmet is of opinion that it was originally written in Hebrew, whence it was translated into Greek, yet it is not now extant in either of those languages. It is, however, extant both in Syriac and in Arabic. Dr. Cotton has given an English translation of it from the Latin version of the Arabic text, printed in Bishop Walton's Polyglott edition of the Bible. This book "is a kind of chronicle of Jewish affairs, commencing with the attempt on the treasury of Jerusalem by Heliodorus (with an interpolation of the history of the Septuagint version, composed by desire of Ptolemy), and reaching down to the birth of Christ; or, speaking accurately, to that particular point of time, at which Herod, almost glutted with the noblest blood of the Jews, turned his murderous hands upon the members of his own family; and completed the sad tragedy of the Asmonæan princes, by the slaughter of his own wife Mariamne, her mother, and his own two sons."4

PART VI.

ANALYSIS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.

CHAPTER I.

ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT

and the sixth, the Apocalypse. But the more modern, and certainly more convenient arrangement, is that of the Historical, Doctrinal, and Prophetical Books.

VARIOUS modes of arranging the books of the New Testament have obtained at different times; nor does the order in which they are to be found in manuscripts correspond with that in which they occur in the printed copies and modern The HISTORICAL BOOKS are such as contain principally translations. In the time of Ignatius (who flourished A. D. matters of fact, though points of faith and doctrine are also 107), the New Testament consisted of two codes or collec- interwoven. They consist of two parts; the first, comprising tions, called "Gospels," and "Epistles," or "Gospels," and the four Gospels, relates the transactions of Jesus Christ. "Apostles;" the same division prevailed in the time of These, when formed into a volume, have, sometimes been Tertullian, A. D. 200. (the Acts being included in the latter collectively termed Eve, the Gospel, and Evyyswv Igapn, division), who called the Gospels"our Digesta," in allu- the Scripture of the Gospels. The second part of these histosion, as it seems, to some collection of the Roman laws rical books relates the transactions of the Apostles, especially digested into order. This division also obtained in the time those of Peter and Paul, and comprises the books called the of Cyprian, who flourished soon after Tertullian. About a Acts of the Apostles. The DOCTRINAL BOOKS include the century afterwards, Athanasius, or the author of the Synopsis fourteen Epistles of Saint Paul, and also the seven Catholic of the Sacred Scriptures attributed to him, makes the New Epistles, so called because they were chiefly addressed to Testament to consist of eight volumes or parts, viz. the four the converted Jews, who were dispersed throughout the RoGospels; the fifth book is the Acts of the Apostles; the sixth man empire. The appellation of Catholic Epistles is of concontains the seven Catholic Epistles; the seventh, the four-siderable antiquity, being mentioned by Eusebius, Jerome, teen Epistles of St. Paul; and the eighth, the Revelation of and the pseudo-Athanasius. The Revelation of Saint John Saint John. In a later age, Leontius of Byzantiums (or Con- forms the PROPHETICAL class of the books of the New Tesstantinople) distributed the books of the New Testament tament. into six books or parts, the first of which comprised the Gospels of Matthew and Mark; the second those of Luke and John; the third, the Acts of the Apostles; the fourth, the seven Catholic Epistles; the fifth, the Epistles of Saint Paul;

ì Prideaux's Connection, vol. ii. p. 111. 8th edit. sub anno 216.

2 Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees, p. xx.

3 Calmet's Preface sur le IV. livre des Maccabees. Dissertationes, tom. ii. pp. 423-428.; where he has collected all the traditionary information extant concerning this book.

4 Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees, p. xxxii. xxxiv. xxxi.

On the preceding classification we may remark, that the appellation of Historical Books is given to the Gospels and Acts, because their subject-matter is principally historical; and that the Gospels are placed first, on account of the importance of their contents, which relate the history of the life, discourses, doctrines, miracles, death, resurrection, and asthe Christian faith.10 The Acts of the Apostles are placed cension of Jesus Christ, which form the primary articles of

Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 23. Hieronymi, Cat. Script. Eccles. (Opp. tom. i. pp. 169, 170. Francof. 1684.) Pseudo-Athanasii Synops. Sacr.

See the passages in Dr. Lardner's Works, 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 81, 82.; 4to. Script. in Athanasii Opp. p. 59. vol. i. pp. 32,323.

Ibid. 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 278-282.; 4to. vol. i. pp. 431-433.

Ibid. 8vo, vol. iii. pp. 179, 180.; 4to. vol. ii. pp. 28, 29.

10 Considerable discussion has taken place among the German critics, and some few critics in this country, respecting the sources of the four Gospels. Hypothesis has succeeded to hypothesis; and the last is as un

De Sectis, art. 2. cited by Heidegger, Manuale Biblicum, p. 441 and satisfactory as the first. For an account of the principal theories on this Rumpæus, Com. Crit. ad Libros N T. p. 97.

subject, the reader is referred to Appendix I. to this volume.

sion, as printed in Bishop Walton's Polyglott, this Gospel is thus entitled: "The Gospel of Saint Matthew the apostle, which he wrote in Hebrew by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit." In the Persian version it is:-"The Gospel of Matthew, which was spoken in the Hebrew tongue, in a city of Palestine, but written in Syriac at Antioch ;" and in the Syriac version, "The Gospel, the preaching of Matthew." II. Matthew, surnamed Levi, was the son of Alpheus, but not of that Alpheus or Cleopas who was the father of James mentioned in Matt. x. 3. He was a native of Galilee, but of what city in that country, or of what tribe of the people of Israel, we are not informed. Before his conversion to Christianity, he was a publican or tax-gatherer, under the Romans, and collected the customs of all goods exported or imported at Capernaum, a maritime town on the sea of Galilee, and also received the tribute paid by all passengers who went by water. While employed "at the receipt of custom," Jesus called him to be a witness of his words and works, thus conferring upon him the honourable office of an apostle. From that time he continued with Jesus Christ, a familiar attendant on his person, a spectator of his public and private conduct, a hearer of his discourses, a witness of his miracles, and an evidence of his resurrection. After our Saviour's ascension, Matthew continued at Jerusalem with the other apostles, and with them on the day of Pentecost was endowed with the gift of the Holy Spirit. How long he remained in Judæa after that event, we have no authentic account. Socrates, an ecclesiastical historian of the fifth century, relates, that when the apostles went abroad to preach to the Gentiles, Thomas took Parthia for his lot; Bartholomew, India; and Matthew, Ethiopia. The common opinion is that he was crowned with martyrdom at Naddabar or Naddaver, a city in that country: but this is contradicted by the account of Heracleon, a learned Valentinian of the second century; who, as cited by Clement of Alexandria, reckons Matthew among the apostles that did not die by martyrdom: and as his statement is not contradicted by Clement, it is more likely to be true than the relation of Socrates, who did not flourish until three hundred years after Heracleon.2

III. Matthew is generally allowed to have written first of all the evangelists. His Gospel is uniformly placed first in all the codes or, volumes of the Gospels: and the priority is constantly given to it in all the quotations of the primitive fathers, as well as of the carly heretics. Its precedence, therefore, is unquestionable, though the precise time when it was composed is a question that has been greatly agitated. Dr. Mill, Michaelis, and Bishop Percy, after Irenæus, assign to it the year 61; Moldenhawer, to 61 or 62; Dr. Hales, to 63; Dr. Lardner and Mr. Hewlett, to 64; Baronius, Grotius, Wetstein, Mr. Jer. Jones, and others, after Eusebius, to 41; Dr. Benson, to 43; Dr. Cave, to 18; Dr. Owen and Bishop Tomline, to 38; and Dr. Townson, to the year 37. In this conflict of opinions, it is difficult to decide. The accounts left us by the ecclesiastical writers of antiquity, concerning the times when the Gospels were written or published, are so vague, confused, and discordant, that they lead us to no solid or certain determination. The oldest of the ancient fathers collected the reports of their own times, and set them down for certain truths; and those who followed adopted their accounts with implicit reverence. Thus traditions, true or false, passed on from one writer to another, without examination, until it became almost too late to examine

1 Stromata, lib. 4. p. 502. B. See the passage in Dr. Lardner's Works, 8vo. vol. vi. p. 48.; 4to. vol. iii. p. 159.

Lardner's Works, vol. vi. pp. 45-47. 8vo.; or vol. iii. pp. 157-159. 4to. Pritii Introductio Lectionem Novi Testamenti, pp. 154-157. Michaelis's Introduction, vol. iii. pp. 96-99.

Of all the primitive fathers, Irenæus (who flourished in the second century) is the only one who has said any thing concerning the exact time when St. Matthew's Gospel was written; and the passage (adv. Hæres. lib. iii. c. 1.) in which he has mentioned it, is so obscure, that no positive conclusion can be drawn from it. Dr. Lardner (8vo. vol. vi. p. 49.; 4to. vol. iii. p. 160.), and Dr. Townson (discourse iv. on the Gospels, sect iv. § 6.) understand it in very different senses. The following is a literal translation of the original passage, which the reader will find in Dr. Lardner's works. Matthew put forth (or published) a gospel among the Hebrews while Peter and Paul were preaching the Gospel at Rome and laying the foundations of a church there. Now, though it does not appear that Peter was at Rome until after Paul's liberation from his first imprisonment, A. D. 63, yet we know that the latter arrived there in the spring of A. D. 61, consequently the date intended by Irenæus must be the year 61.

Eusebius, who lived in the early part of the fourth century, merely says that Matthew, after preaching to the Hebrews, wrote his Gospel for their information, previously to his going to evangelize other nations (Eccl. Hist. lib. iii. c. 24.); but he does not specify the time, nor is it mentioned by any other ancient writer. In his Chronicon, however, Eusebius places the writings of St. Matthew's Gospel in the third year of the reign of the emperor Caligula, that is, eight years after Christ's ascension, or A. D. 41.

them to any purpose. Since, then, external evidence affords us but little assistance, it becomes necessary to have recourse to the internal testimony which the Gospel of Saint Matthew affords, and we apprehend that it will be found to preponderate in favour of an early date.

In the first place, it is by no means probable that the Christians should be left any considerable number of years without a genuine and authentic written history of our Saviour's ministry. "It is certain," Bishop Tomline remarks, "that the apostles immediately after the descent of the Holy Ghost, which took place only ten days after the ascension of our Saviour into heaven, preached the Gospel to the Jews with great success: and surely it is reasonable to suppose that an authentic account of our Saviour's doctrines and miracles would very soon be committed to writing for the confirmation of those who believed in his divine mission, and for the conversion of others, and more particularly to enable the Jews to compare the circumstances of the birth, death, and resurrection of Jesus with their ancient prophecies relative to the Messiah: and we may conceive that the apostles would be desirous of losing no time in writing an account of the miracles which Jesus performed, and of the discourses which he delivered, because, the sooner such an account was published, the easier it would be to inquire into its truth and accuracy; and, consequently, when these points were satisfactorily ascertained, the greater would be its weight and authority."5 On these accounts the learned prelate assigns the date of St. Matthew's Gospel to the year 38.

Secondly, as the sacred writers had a regard to the circumstances of the persons for whose use they wrote, we have an additional evidence for the early date of this Gospel, in the state of persecution in which the church was at the time when it was written: for it contains many obvious references to such a state, and many very apposite addresses both to the injured and to the injurious party.

1. Thus, the evangelist informs the injured and persecuted Christians, that their afflictions were no more than they had been taught to expect, and had promised to bear, when they embraced the Gospel (x. 21, 22. 34-36. xvi. 24.); that, however unreasonable their sufferings might be, considered as the effects of the malice of their enemies, they were yet useful and profitable to themselves, considered as trials of their faith and fidelity (v. 11. xxiv. 9-13.); that, though they were grievous to be borne at present, yet they operated powerfully to their future joy (v. 4. 10-12.); that a pusillanimous desertion of the faith would be so far from bettering their state and condition, that it would infallibly expose them to greater calamities, and cut them off from the hopes of heaven (x. 28. 32, 33. 39.); that they were not, however, forbidden to use the lawful means of preservation; but even innocence (x. 16, 17. 23.); that the due observance of the Chrisenjoined to put them in practice, whenever they could do it with tian precepts was an excellent method to appease the wrath and fury of their enemies, and what therefore they were obliged in point of prudence as well as duty carefully to mind and attend to (v. 39. vii. 12. 24—27. v. 13—20.); that if it should be their fate to suffer martyrdom at last for their religion, it was infinitely better to continue faithful to their important trust, than by any base compliance to incur his displeasure, in whose hands are the issues not only of this life, but also of that which is to come. (xvi. 25-27. x. 28.)

2. On the other hand, again, to calm the passions of the enraged Jews, and win them over to the profession of the Gospel, he labours to soften and abate their prejudices, and to engage them in the practice of meekness and charity. (ix. 13.) To this

5 Elem. of Christ. Theol. vol. i. p. 301. The following observations of the profound critic Le Clerc will materially confirm the preceding remarks. "Those," says he, "who think that the Gospels were written so late as Irenæus states, and who supposes that, for the space of about thirty years after our Lord's ascension, there were many spurious gospels in the hands of the Christians, and not one that was genuine and authentic, do unwarily cast a very great reflection upon the wisdom of the apostles. For, what could have been more imprudent in them, than tamely to have suffered the idle stories concerning Christ to be read by the Christians, and not to contradict them by some authentic history, written by some credible persons, which might reach the knowledge of all men? For my part, I can never be persuaded to entertain so mean an opinion of men under the direction of the Holy Spirit. Besides, Matthew has delivered to us, not only the actions, but also the discourses of Christ; and this he must necessarily be able to do with the greater certainty, while they were fresh in his memory, than when, through length of time, he began to lose the impressions of them. It is true that the Holy Spirit was with the apostles, to bring all the things to their remembrance, which they had received of Christ, according to his promise (John xiv. 26.): but the Holy Spirit not only inspired them, but also dealt with them according to their natural powers, as the variety of expressions in the Gospel shows." Clerici Hist. Eccl. sæculi 1. A. D. LXII. § 9.

of reason," ascribed to Josephus by Philostratus, Eusebius, and Jerome. Its author is not known: it is extant in the Vatican and Alexandrian manuscripts, and in various editions of the Septuagint, in which it is placed after the three books of Maccabees, but it is not extant in any Latin Bibles. It is designed to adorn and enlarge the history of old Eleazar, and of the seven brothers, who with their mother suffered martyrdom under Antiochus, as is related more succinctly in the sixth and seventh chapters of the second book of Maccabees. Dr. Cotton has the honour of giving the first correct English version of this book.

Besides the two books of Maccabees here noticed, there | same as the book "concerning the government, or empire are three others which bear their names, but very improperly neither of them has ever been reputed canonical. 3. The THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES contains the history of the persecution of the Jews in Egypt by Ptolemy Philopater, and their sufferings under it. From its style, this book appears to have been written by some Alexandrian Jew: it abounds with the most absurd fables. With regard to its subject, it ought in strictness to be called the FIRST book of Maccabees, as the events it professes to relate occurred before the achievements of that heroic family; but as it is of less authority and repute than the other two, it is reckoned after them. It is extant in Syriac, though the translator seems to have been but imperfectly acquainted with the Greek language; and it is also found in some ancient manuscripts of the Greek Septuagint, particularly in the Alexandrian and Vatican manuscripts; but it was never inserted in the Latin Vulgate, nor in our English Bibles. Being reputed to be a canonical book by the Greek church, it is inserted in the various editions of the Septuagint: a translation of the third book of Maccabees is inserted in Becke's edition of the English Bible, printed in 1551; a second translation by Mr. Whiston was published in his "Authentic Documents," in two volumes, 8vo. 1719-27; and a third version, made by the Rev. Clement Crutwell, was added to his edition of the authorized English version, with the notes of Bishop Wilson. Dr. Cotton considers Mr. Whiston's version to be the more faithful of the three; but he has not held himself bound to retain it in his English edition of the five books of Maccabees, wherever an examination of the original suggested an alteration as advisable.2 4. The FOURTH BOOK OF MACCABEES is supposed to be the

5. The FIFTH BOOK OF MACCABEES is' the work of an unknown author, who lived after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus; it is supposed to have been compiled from the acts of each successive high-priest. Although Calmet is of opinion that it was originally written in Hebrew, whence it was translated into Greek, yet it is not now extant in either of those languages. It is, however, extant both in Syriac and in Arabic. Dr. Cotton has given an English translation of it from the Latin version of the Arabic text, printed in Bishop Walton's Polyglott edition of the Bible. This book "is a kind of chronicle of Jewish affairs, commencing with the attempt on the treasury of Jerusalem by Heliodorus (with an interpolation of the history of the Septuagint version, composed by desire of Ptolemy), and reaching down to the birth of Christ; or, speaking accurately, to that particular point of time, at which Herod, almost glutted with the noblest blood of the Jews, turned his murderous hands upon the members of his own family; and completed the sad tragedy of the Asmonæan princes, by the slaughter of his own wife Mariamne, her mother, and his own two sons."4

PART VI.

ANALYSIS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.

CHAPTER I.

and the sixth, the Apocalypse. But the more modern, and certainly more convenient arrangement, is that of the Historical, Doctrinal, and Prophetical Books.

ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT VARIOUS modes of arranging the books of the New Testament have obtained at different times; nor does the order in which they are to be found in manuscripts correspond with that in which they occur in the printed copies and modern The HISTORICAL BOOKS are such as contain principally translations. In the time of Ignatius (who flourished A. D. matters of fact, though points of faith and doctrine are also 107), the New Testament consisted of two codes or collec- interwoven. They consist of two parts; the first, comprising tions, called "Gospels," and "Epistles," or "Gospels," and the four Gospels, relates the transactions of Jesus Christ. "Apostles;" the same division prevailed in the time of These, when formed into a volume, have, sometimes been Tertullian, A. D. 200. (the Acts being included in the latter collectively termed Eur, the Gospel, and Eva Igaon, division), who called the Gospels "our Digesta," in allu- the Scripture of the Gospels. The second part of these histosion, as it seems, to some collection of the Roman laws rical books relates the transactions of the Apostles, especially digested into order. This division also obtained in the time those of Peter and Paul, and comprises the books called the of Cyprian, who flourished soon after Tertullian. About a Acts of the Apostles. The DOCTRINAL BOOKS include the century afterwards, Athanasius, or the author of the Synopsis fourteen Epistles of Saint Paul, and also the seven Catholic of the Sacred Scriptures attributed to him, makes the New Epistles, so called because they were chiefly addressed to Testament to consist of eight volumes or parts, viz. the four the converted Jews, who were dispersed throughout the RoGospels; the fifth book is the Acts of the Apostles; the sixth man empire. The appellation of Catholic Epistles is of concontains the seven Catholic Epistles; the seventh, the four-siderable antiquity, being mentioned by Eusebius, Jerome, teen Epistles of St. Paul; and the eighth, the Revelation of and the pseudo-Athanasius. The Revelation of Saint John Saint John. In a later age, Leontius of Byzantium (or Con- forms the PROPHETICAL class of the books of the New Tesstantinople) distributed the books of the New Testament tament. into six books or parts, the first of which comprised the Gospels of Matthew and Mark; the second those of Luke and John; the third, the Acts of the Apostles; the fourth, the seven Catholic Epistles; the fifth, the Epistles of Saint Paul;

1 Prideaux's Connection, vol. fi. p. 111. 8th edit. sub anno 216.

2 Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees, p. xx.

Calmet's Preface sur le IV. livre des Maccabees. Dissertationes, tom. ii. pp. 423-428.; where he has collected all the traditionary information extant concerning this book.

Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees, p. xxxii. xxxiv. xxxi.

On the preceding classification we may remark, that the appellation of Historical Books is given to the Gospels and Acts, because their subject-matter is principally historical; and that the Gospels are placed first, on account of the importance of their contents, which relate the history of the life, discourses, doctrines, miracles, death, resurrection, and asthe Christian faith.10 The Acts of the Apostles are placed cension of Jesus Christ, which form the primary articles of Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 23. Hieronymi, Cat. Script. Eccles. (Opp. tom. i. pp. 169, 170. Francof. 1684.) Pseudo-Athanasii Synops. Sacr.

See the passages in Dr. Lardner's Works, 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 81, 82.; 4to. Script. in Athanasii Opp. p. 59.

vol. i. pp. 322, 323.

Ibid. 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 278-282.; 4to. vol. i. pp. 431-433.

Ibid. 8vo. vol. iii. pp. 179, 180.; 4to. vol. ii. pp. 28, 29.

10 Considerable discussion has taken place among the German critics, and some few critics in this country, respecting the sources of the four Gospels. Hypothesis has succeeded to hypothesis; and the last is as un

De Sectis, art. 2. cited by Heidegger, Manuale Biblicum, p. 441 and satisfactory as the first. For an account of the principal theories on this Rumpæus, Com. Crit. ad Libros N T. p. 97.

subject, the reader is referred to Appendix I. to this volume.

sion, as printed in Bishop Walton's Polyglott, this Gospel is thus entitled: "The Gospel of Saint Matthew the apostle, which he wrote in Hebrew by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit." In the Persian version it is: "The Gospel of Matthew, which was spoken in the Hebrew tongue, in a city of Palestine, but written in Syriac at Antioch; and in the Syriac version, "The Gospel, the preaching of Matthew." II. Matthew, surnamed Levi, was the son of Alpheus, but not of that Alpheus or Cleopas who was the father of James mentioned in Matt. x. 3. He was a native of Galilee, but of what city in that country, or of what tribe of the people of Israel, we are not informed. Before his conversion to Christianity, he was a publican or tax-gatherer, under the Romans, and collected the customs of all goods exported or imported at Capernaum, a maritime town on the sea of Galilee, and also received the tribute paid by all passengers who went by water. While employed "at the receipt of custom," Jesus called him to be a witness of his words and works, thus conferring upon him the honourable office of an apostle. From that time he continued with Jesus Christ, a familiar attendant on his person, a spectator of his public and private conduct, a hearer of his discourses, a witness of his miracles, and an evidence of his resurrection. After our Saviour's ascension, Matthew continued at Jerusalem with the other apostles, and with them on the day of Pentecost was endowed with the gift of the Holy Spirit. How long he remained in Judæa after that event, we have no authentic account. Socrates, an ecclesiastical historian of the fifth century, relates, that when the apostles went abroad to preach to the Gentiles, Thomas took Parthia for his lot; Bartholomew, India; and Matthew, Ethiopia. The common opinion is that he was crowned with martyrdom at Naddabar or Naddaver, a city in that country: but this is contradicted by the account of Heracleon, a learned Valentinian of the second century; who, as cited by Clement of Alexandria, reckons Matthew among the apostles that did not die by martyrdom: and as his statement is not contradicted by Clement, it is more likely to be true than the relation of Socrates, who did not flourish until three hundred years after Heracleon.2

III. Matthew is generally allowed to have written first of all the evangelists. His Gospel is uniformly placed first in all the codes or, volumes of the Gospels: and the priority is constantly given to it in all the quotations of the primitive fathers, as well as of the early heretics. Its precedence, therefore, is unquestionable, though the precise time when it was composed is a question that has been greatly agitated. Dr. Mill, Michaelis, and Bishop Percy, after Irenæus, assign to it the year 61; Moldenhawer, to 61 or 62; Dr. Hales, to 63; Dr. Lardner and Mr. Hewlett, to 61; Baronius, Grotius, Wetstein, Mr. Jer. Jones, and others, after Eusebius, to 41; Dr. Benson, to 43; Dr. Cave, to 48; Dr. Owen and Bishop Tomline, to 38; and Dr. Townson, to the year 37. In this conflict of opinions, it is difficult to decide. The accounts left us by the ecclesiastical writers of antiquity, concerning the times when the Gospels were written or published, are so vague, confused, and discordant, that they lead us to no solid or certain determination. The oldest of the ancient fathers collected the reports of their own times, and set them down for certain truths; and those who followed adopted their accounts with implicit reverence. Thus traditions, true or false, passed on from one writer to another, without examination, until it became almost too late to examine

1 Stromata, lib. 4. p. 502. B. See the passage in Dr. Lardner's Works, Bvo. vol. vi. p. 48.; 4to. vol. iii. p. 159.

2 Lardner's Works, vol. vi. pp. 45-47. 8vo.; or vol. iii. pp. 157-159. 4to. Pritii Introductio Lectionem Novi Testamenti, pp. 154-157. Michaelis's Introduction, vol. iii. pp. 96-99.

Of all the primitive fathers, Irenæus (who flourished in the second century) is the only one who has said any thing concerning the exact time when St. Matthew's Gospel was written; and the passage (adv. Hæres. lib. iii. c. 1.) in which he has mentioned it, is so obscure, that no positive conclusion can be drawn from it. Dr. Lardner (8vo. vol. vi. p. 49.; 4to. vol. iii. p. 160.) and Dr. Townson (discourse iv. on the Gospels, sect iv. § 6.) understand it in very different senses. The following is a literal translation of the original passage, which the reader will find in Dr. Lardner's works. Matthew put forth (or published) a gospel among the Hebrews while Peter and Paul were preaching the Gospel at Rome and laying the foundations of a church there. Now, though it does not appear that Peter was at Rome until after Paul's liberation from his first imprisonment, A. D. 63, yet we know that the latter arrived there in the spring of A. D. 61, consequently the date intended by Irenæus must be the year 61.

Eusebius, who lived in the early part of the fourth century, merely says that Matthew, after preaching to the Hebrews, wrote his Gospel for their information, previously to his going to evangelize other nations (Eccl. Hist. lib. iii. c. 24.); but he does not specify the time, nor is it mentioned by any other ancient writer. In his Chronicon, however, Eusebius places the writings of St. Matthew's Gospel in the third year of the reign of the emperor Caligula, that is, eight years after Christ's ascension, or a. D. 41.

them to any purpose. Since, then, external evidence affords us but little assistance, it becomes necessary to have recourse to the internal testimony which the Gospel of Saint Matthew affords, and we apprehend that it will be found to preponderate in favour of an early date.

In the first place, it is by no means probable that the Christians should be left any considerable number of years without a genuine and authentic written history of our Saviour's ministry. "It is certain," Bishop Tomline remarks, "that the apostles immediately after the descent of the Holy Ghost, which took place only ten days after the ascension of our Saviour into heaven, preached the Gospel to the Jews with great success: and surely it is reasonable to suppose that an authentic account of our Saviour's doctrines and miracles would very soon be committed to writing for the confirmation of those who believed in his divine mission, and for the conversion of others, and more particularly to enable the Jews to compare the circumstances of the birth, death, and resurrection of Jesus with their ancient prophecies relative to the Messiah: and we may conceive that the apostles would be desirous of losing no time in writing an account of the miracles which Jesus performed, and of the discourses which he delivered, because, the sooner such an account was published, the easier it would be to inquire into its truth and accuracy; and, consequently, when these points were satisfactorily ascertained, the greater would be its weight and authority."5 On these accounts the learned prelate assigns the date of St. Matthew's Gospel to the year 38.

Secondly, as the sacred writers had a regard to the circumstances of the persons for whose use they wrote, we have an additional evidence for the early date of this Gospel, in the state of persecution in which the church was at the time when it was written: for it contains many obvious references to such a state, and many very apposite addresses both to the injured and to the injurious party.

1. Thus, the evangelist informs the injured and persecuted Christians, that their afflictions were no more than they had been taught to expect, and had promised to bear, when they embraced the Gospel (x. 21, 22. 34-36. xvi. 24.); that, however unreasonable their sufferings might be, considered as the effects of the malice of their enemies, they were yet useful and profitable to themselves, considered as trials of their faith and fidelity (v. 11. xxiv. 9-13.); that, though they were grievous to be borne at present, yet they operated powerfully to their future joy (v. 4. 10-12.); that a pusillanimous desertion of the faith would be so far from bettering their state and condition, that it would infallibly expose them to greater calamities, and cut them off from the hopes of heaven (x. 28. 32, 33. 39.); that they were not, however, forbidden to use the lawful means of preservation; but even enjoined to put them in practice, whenever they could do it with innocence (x. 16, 17. 23.); that the due observance of the Christian precepts was an excellent method to appease the wrath and fury of their enemies, and what therefore they were obliged in point of prudence as well as duty carefully to mind and attend to (v. 39. vii. 12. 24—27. v. 13-20.); that if it should be their fate to suffer martyrdom at last for their religion, it was infinitely better to continue faithful to their important trust, than by any base compliance to incur his displeasure, in whose hands are the issues not only of this life, but also of that which is to come. (xvi. 25-27. x. 28.)

2. On the other hand, again, to calm the passions of the enraged Jews, and win them over to the profession of the Gospel, he labours to soften and abate their prejudices, and to engage them in the practice of meekness and charity. (ix. 13.) To this

s Elem. of Christ. Theol. vol. i. p. 301. The following observations of the profound critic Le Clerc will materially confirm the preceding remarks. "Those," says he, "who think that the Gospels were written so late as Irenæus states, and who supposés that, for the space of about thirty years after our Lord's ascension, there were many spurious gospels in the hands of the Christians, and not one that was genuine and authentic, do unwarily cast a very great reflection upon the wisdom of the apostles. For, what could have been more imprudent in them, than tamely to have suffered the idle stories concerning Christ to be read by the Christians, and not to contradict them by some authentic history, written by some credible persons, which might reach the knowledge of all men? For my part, I can never be persuaded to entertain so mean an opinion of men under the direction of the Holy Spirit. Besides, Matthew has delivered to us, not only the actions, but also the discourses of Christ; and this he must necessarily be able to do with the greater certainty, while they were fresh in his memory, than when, through length of time, he began to lose the impressions of them. It is true that the Holy Spirit was with the apostles, to bring all the things to their remembrance, which they had received of Christ, according to his promise (John xiv. 26.): but the Holy Spirit not only inspired them, but also dealt with them according to their natural powers, as the variety of expressions in the Gospel shows." Clerici Hist. Eccl. sæculi I. A. D. LXII. § 9.

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