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flatters each individual sheep in the fold. All of these classes and the thousands of officeholders and office-seekers look to the Senator as to their political leader, counsellor and friend.

and personal leaders rather than committe rule dominated.

Republican Party in Border States.-A.though most great men of the old South were slave-holders, many more whites above the "poor white" class were not. From them the southern Whig party drew its chief support. Largely from former Whigs, the Republican party, northern and anti-slavery in origin, was able to establish an organization in all of the border states and in Tennessee, which should be classed with them in political life. After the war it continued to be a factor in the

Reforms. There have been, nevertheless, a number of energetic uprisings of reformers and outraged citizens seeking to oust the machine and restore a high standard of civic honesty. Such a revolt led to the exposure of the famous Philadelphia "Gas Ring" in the eighties, and more recently to the reforms under Mayor Weaver and to the unveiling of the frauds incident to the building of the capitol at Harris-political life of these former slave-holding burg. Finally a general uprising of the voters led to a disruption of the Republican party, and to the defeat of the old organization in the election of 1912.

states, to offer effective criticism of the party in power and to make more than a pretense of opposition. It was organized and operated as a white man's party. In these states the The laws passed in 1906 requiring state- negro question, while affecting political life, wide primaries, personal registration of voters did not destroy the dual party system. The and publication of campaign expenses have les- term, "solid South," applies to all of the forsened the absolute control of the machine. It mer slave-holding states, since they all supis generally conceded that the elections in Phil-port the Democratic party by large majorities; adelphia, where the illegal vote was once es- but only the ten ex-Confederate states (exclutimated at from fifty to eighty thousand, are sive of Tennessee) present a seriously abnornow honestly conducted. But real political mal political life. freedom can result only from enthusiastic, in- Historical Review.-When the Confederate dependent organization as efficient for clean states were reorganized they were at first nomgovernment as is the machine for dishonest inally Republican, under an electorate comgovernment. posed of union whites, enfranchised negroes and See Boss; COMMITTEES, PARTY; ORGANIZA- "carpetbaggers." The former leaders of poTION, PARTY; PARTY ORGANIZATION IN CALI-litical life had been disfranchised. Democratic FORNIA; PARTY ORGANIZATION IN MASSACHU-rise to power began in a period of rule by vioSETTS; PARTY SYSTEM IN DOUBTFUL STATES; lence and intimidation. The Ku Klux (see) PARTY SYSTEM IN SURE STATES. raiders terrorized negroes, and union whites References: E. C. Meyer, Nominating Sys- and drove out the "carpetbaggers." Gradualtems (1902), ch. v; F. W. Dallinger, Nomina-ly, as the franchise was restored to the former tions for Elective Office (1897), 175-189; J. Macy, Party Organization and Machinery (1912), chs. ix, x, xii; J. T. Marcosson, "Fall of the House of Quay" in World's Work, XI (1906), 7119-7124; W. MacVeagh; "Great Victory for Honest Politics" in North Am. Review, CLXXXII (1906), 1-18; "Reforms Secured in Since about 1890 this system has been gradPennsylvania" in ibid, CLXXXIII (1906), 590-ually replaced by legislative and constitutional 601; C. R. Woodruff, “Practical Municipal | enactments aimed at the negro voter. RestricProgress" in Am. Journal of Sociology, XII tions of the franchise on the basis of property. (1907), 190-215; C. A. Beard, Am. Govern- | education, ability to understand the Constitument and Pol. (1910), 695, Readings in Am. Government (1910), 128; T. Baker, “Philadelphia, a Study in Pol. Psychology" in Arena, XXX (1903), 1-14; R. Blankenburg, "Forty Years in the Wilderness" in Arena, XXXIII, XXXIV (1905). JESSE MACY.

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN THE SOUTH. Personal Leadership.-In politics, as in other respects, the southern states present a peculiar group life. The institution of slavery, profoundly affecting the organization of society, tended to develop in the ruling class political leaders who owed their influence to family and personal ability. Because life was more individualistic and less highly organized than elsewhere, party organization was less formal,

leaders, the more intelligent and politically astute asserted their supremacy. This was the era of the tissue ballot and other methods of falsifying election returns. By various illegal devices the negro was, for a time, practically eliminated from politics.

tion when read, or the payment of a poll tax, have been administered in such a way as to exclude most negroes, white illiterates being admitted to vote by judicious application of these clauses and by the use of the so-called "grandfather clause" which prevents disqualification of a man whose ancestors had the right to vote in 1868. This course of action has been justified by appeal to the bugbear of negro supremacy. Probably the danger has been overestimated; certainly the remedy has worked great harm to these states. As Hart observes, "The cry of negro domination has been more unfortunate for the whites than for the blacks, because it has thrown the southern states out of their adjustment in national parties." Party government as well as real share in national


government has been sacrificed to this black | individual voter has found himself powerless. fear.

That he had voluntarily placed his rights in Republican Organization.—In spite of having the hands of the party committees does not been hopelessly linked in common thought with alter the fact. He has become the slave of a most unpopular reconstruction régime, the the machine, kept down by the clamor of poliRepublican party has succeeded in keeping up ticians against any recognition of the negro. some sort of organization in all of the ex- Party tyranny has used race fear for its own Confederate states. Localities in almost every purposes. state continue to return Republican majori- Primaries.—In trying to restore some power ties, and a large aggregate number of white to the citizen without allowing any of it to persons have remained in the national Republi- escape to the negro, southern voters have hit can party. Many more who vote the Demo- upon the primary election. The primary has cratic ticket would like to see normal party grown up in the Democratic party, has been relations reëstablished. A portion of the par- governed by party rules and in most states ty, dubbed “Lilywhite Republicans” (see), try has been little regulated by statute. The deto maintain it as a white man's party and tails, consequently, vary from state to state, scorn the help of negroes as much as do the but the results are practically identical. ParDemocrats; but their efforts to establish them- ty membership is almost entirely a matter of selves in a position of influence seem futile party rules, which are administered by party against the momentum of the white man's par- oflicers. Various tests of membership are apty par excellence, the Democrats. The “Black- plied, but in some states the practical rule is and-Tans” are an organization of both negroes to allow any white man to vote in the Demoand whites who would use the negro vote wher-cratic primary. This gives the first requisite ever it is cast in building up the Republican -a popular white vote for local and state party. They do not meet with any remarkable officers. Nomination at the primary is evidentsuccess and the disfranchised negro seems less ly equivalent to election, and the real contest and less inclined to mingle in politics.

is transferred from the nominal election to Serious efforts to develop the Republican the primary. Political conflicts are carried party are greatly hampered by lack of organi- on by factions within the one party. Candization and of funds. In practically all of the dates present themselves to the primaries on southern states the expenses of the campaign personal platforms, and all the excitement of are met by the candidate. As the loss is heavy a regular election with its caucuses and camand the empty honor slight, worthy candidates paigns attends the primary. The expedient are not easily found. The expenses of a pri- does well enough for local and state issues, mary are often prohibitive. Without strength but it does not allow close relations with naenough to be effective the party continues to tional politics. All candidates for national occupy the field and thus to prevent the rise offices are bound to support but one of the of local state parties which otherwise might national parties. The system also brings a dispute the field with the Democrats.

heavy financial burden upon the party-a burIn reference to the national organization of den usually met by the candidates. One comthe party these southern Republicans are ab- pensation is that the opposing party can not as normal. The party appears to be maintained well afford a primary. In states where the in some places merely to distribute federal law requires that a candidate be nominated at patronage. Accused of being a party of federal a primary election before his name can appear office-holders, organized to distribute political on the official ballot, only one set of names plums, it is scorned and derided.

On the appears. other hand, delegates from these ten states South Carolina Type.-South Carolina is a to the national convention are as numerous typical state under Democratic control. The and exercise as much influence as if their party real law-making body for the party is the were strong. They may choose a candidate for Democratic state convention. It adopts a parthe nation and cast no electoral vote for him. ty constitution, designates the time of holding

Democratic Organization.-Fear of negro county and state conventions and provides for domination has thrown full political power into the election of county and state executive comthe hands of the Democratic organization, the mittees. Membership in a Democratic club is champion of white supremacy. Party division necessary for voting at a party primary. Any has become a matter of race rather than of white voter may become a member by proving conviction; appeals on principle and policy to his party affiliation, but a negro is practically a free voting constituency are denied. What excluded by a rule which dates back to 1876. ever policy the Democratic machine may decide Candidates for nomination in the primary file to follow, it is sure of its constituency. The with the party committee of the election area party system has broken down; government statements of their desire to run for certain has been transferred from the state to the offices. The expenses of the ensuing primary Democratic party. This possession of almost are met by assessment on the candidates, and absolute power within the state has led to if a majority vote is not obtained a second priabuses on the part of the machine until the 'mary is held at least two weeks later. The


heavy burden of assessments tends to keep ca- | furnishes the majority of the Democratic votpable men of moderate means out of the conflict. Legal restrictions upon the primary are slight; party rules are elaborate and detailed. The Republicans organize under the law in a few counties, but they do not offer a state ticket to the voters. As might be expected, the vote at the Democratic primary is much heavier than that at the general election.

ers in the nation. Upon these states the party
relies for certain support in all national con-
tests, yet the delegates from these states have
not a corresponding influence in the national
convention. Party strength at home spells par-
ty weakness in the nation. Whatever policy
the rest of the Democratic party may espouse
on national issues, southern Democracy must
support it or perish politically. The numerical
strength of their votes is weakened because,
even though their candidate for nomination
may be defeated, they are certain to support
the successful candidate at the election.

Mississippi Type.-Mississippi stands at the
other extreme in reference to state supervision
of primaries. The primary is optional, but
when a party primary election is ordered by
a party committee it must be conducted accord-
ing to state law. The officers conducting the
primary must fairly represent the different
factions within the party, if such exist. Mem-TY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYLVANIA,
bership in the party, however, is determined
by party rules. "General election laws are in |
force so far as applicable." The party county
committee may, on petition of one-fifth of the
members of the party, be elected; otherwise it
is chosen "as the party may determine." This
is to prevent the perpetuation of power by a
machine or faction. The law also provides for
minority and fractional representation in par-
ty conventions.

References: A. B. Hart, The Southern South (1910); J. Macy, Party Organization (1904), ch. xv; E. C. Meyer, Nominating Systems (1902), chs. iii, iv; H. W. Elson, Hist. of U. S. (1905), IV, 329-333; J. L. M. Curry, The Southern States (1894), chs. xv, xvi; T. N. Page, The Negro, the Southerners' Problem (1904), ch. x; Lake Mohonk Conference on Negro Question, Reports (1890-1891).

Solid South and the Democratic Party. The relation of southern Democracy to the party in the rest of the nation is most unfortunate. The solid South, but especially the ten states whose political life we have under discussion, chine.


PARTY ORGANS. A term denoting newspapers published in the interest of a political party; usually controlled by the party maO. C. H.


Definition. To define a political party is no easy task. Even a description presents difficulties. So complex is the modern party, so various are its qualities and duties, that it is difficult to be at once comprehensive and distinet in treatment. Certainly the old-time definition furnishes little enlightenment-a body of men associated together to attain a common end or united in opinion or design. Such a statement does not distinguish the political party from any other body of persons who find themselves in agreement upon some matters of common interest. It conveys no impression of the modern political association, which is officered, organized, and equipped for service in the body politic; it gives no idea of the unceasing activity, the official responsibility, the social character and permeating influence of the modern party. Instead of emphasizing the idea of agreement upon principle or public policy, any definition desiring to touch near the heart of the problem would necessarily dwell upon organization; it would bring out the fact that party's chief aim is to secure office and administer government; it would indicate that the party is charged with duty and responsibility to the public in the popular state; it would


point to the fact that parties have governments and leaders; it would show that parties have life as well as principles and that they accept principles to prolong life. In short any definition of a political party must recognize that it is now a primal governmental institution.

Parties and Factions.-The party as seen in its most developed form in England and the United States is not much like the old-time factions, which, representing distinct class interest or economic bias, were intent upon the possession of influence in government to further their own ends. Those factions were based on the dualism or pluralism of the social life in which they worked. They were rooted in social opposition; they were often not only competitors but enemies. Though they might indulge in intrigue, chicanery and conspiracy, they can hardly be said to have had organization as that word is used today. A faction may be said to have principle; certainly it has purposes though they may be narrow and selfish. The modern political party, the product of modern effort to make popular gov ernment a reality, may be led by designing leaders and affected by selfish interests, but it has no higher or lower ostensible purpose


than to secure the good of the whole state. | responsibility; it undertakes the duty of holdMoreover, as we shall see, though it has principles and purposes, it holds forth its claim to be entrusted with the management of the whole state for the public good.

Principles. This quality of the modern party, this readiness to assume administrative responsibility and to serve the state, is not merely superficial. In the popular state mere faction is out of place; to the extent that it exists public opinion lacks force, unity, and wholeness. While it may be true that in a measure party represents classes, instincts, prejudices, interests, and tendencies, nevertheless, in a state whose self-consciousness is developed, legislation or political administration which is merely partial and selfish is dangerous to the stability and well being of party. Parties must adapt themselves, and they have adapted themselves, to the fact of political unity, to the substantial integrity of the community. As a consequence, in the truly popular state, principles in some measure sink into the background as the distinguishing marks of parties. Parties, seeking the support of the whole people and holding forth their trustworthiness as administrators of government, find it necessary to make comprehensive programs and to take seriously into account the desires of their opponents. Thus party principles tend to become similar, even though they may never be come identical in character. It not infrequently happens that principles and doctrines of contending parties are so nearly the same that the controversy plainly narrows itself into a choice of leaders who are to be intrusted with the management of government.

Governmental Institution.-In what sense can it be said that a party is a governmental institution? In fact, in many senses. The very division of the people into great political armies that have officers, constitutions, history, esprit de corps, character, treasure, power, is an institutional or governmental fact of primal significance. The marshalling of the people to affect or control government is itself not merely a social phenomenon but a political fact; and the permanent system is an institution. It is, moreover, a constitutional institution, if we use the words to include the actual political structure of the people and not simply the structure described by a parchment we call the Constitution.

ing office and managing the government; it establishes unity behind executive and legislative activity. Even in America where the principle of separation of powers (sce) prevails, the party has done much to make executive and legislative departments work together.

That a party is an institution is perhaps more easily seen in England than in America. No one can doubt that the Cabinet in England is a political institution; and yet the Cabinet is only a band of political leaders who, by dint of their own inherent capacity, have become the head of the party and control the government. The head of the government and the head of the party is one; for the party is organized, or is seeking to be organized, in the government. When an English party is successful at the polls, it boldly takes possession of the government and proceeds to carry out its decisions openly; the party leaders for the time being direct the actual activity of the state. We sometimes have difficulty in realizing that these men are party leaders because they appear to be public officials. In America, on the other hand, we do not realize that men are in reality public officials because they appear to be party leaders. They may not be in office in the ordinary sense at all, for the party is organized outside of the government to control the government; though the party is anxious for office, there is no thorough concentration of official and party responsibility. And yet as the party has a government of its own with elaborate machinery, and as it exists to control what we call the government, we need not hesitate to recognize it as an institution. It is in fact an institution of tremendous vitality, energy and power.

The Problem of Democracy.-When the Fathers framed the Constitution in 1787, they had no conception of the place or function of parties in the popular state. To them parties appeared dangerous, for the term was synonymous with faction and implied bitterness, rivalry and unrest. The reason for this was that the men of the day had had no experience with what we know as parties; even England had not yet simplified her political system by fully recognizing the claim of party upon official place and responsibility. The men of the Federal Convention naturally believed that they would establish free government if they In a number of ways a political party as an were careful to see that it was sufficiently institution serves or proposes to serve in the checked and balanced and limited. And yet management of the popular state: it is a de- with all their care they left totally out of vice for gathering desires of the people, formu- consideration the two tasks which time has lating them and conveying them into govern- shown to be the great problem of democracy: ment; it is also an arrangement for putting they did not provide for effective means of people into office, and in early days in this conveying popular desire into the government, country practically all the machinery for this or of choosing men to hold the offices. It is central duty was left to the voluntary associa- plain enough now that these are the very tions that were slowly hardened into parties things that must be provided for. No matter and can now be recognized as institutional what the forms, no matter what the checks and systems. It charges itself with administrative the balances (see), we do not have popular


government if these two essential and elemen- / we see the movement to take nominations at tary functions are neglected. To the extent least partly out of the hands of the party that popular will and popular choice of officials “organization" by establishing the direct pri are interfered with by designing men, by inade- mary; on the other, the movement distinctio quate machinery, by improper law, popular to formulate the mechanism of the party and government fails of realization.

to give it legal recognition (see PRIMAETI, To voluntary associations, therefore, quite The party has ceased to be a purely voluntars, unknown to the law and quite foreign to the extra-legal institution. theory of our constitutional system, was left Government and Party Management.

The the great duty of collecting the will of the lack of unity in the American system, of which people and of providing machinery for elec- we have spoken before, the fact that othe tions in the popular state. Little by little as holders elected by the people are not also the days went by, these voluntary associations primarily party leaders—the absence, in other took form; they hardened into institutions; words, of concentrated responsibility—is a they developed governments of their own; they cause of distraction in American politics. The created traditions; they counted their officers President, it is true, may be the real bead by the tens of thousands. As they took form of his party in the sense that he has larve and substance they acquired character; they share in shaping its policy and dictating its tended, like all organic things, to look after tactics. But in fact nothing is more comnica their own being; and it was not always easy in American politics than an open conflict be for them to see, in considering their own needs, tween the President and the party managers; what were the needs and desires of the whole indeed it almost appears as if there were peace people. Men got into the habit of paying and unity only when the President follows the heed to party allegiance and listening to party organization,” and is obedient to the party demands instead of demanding that party car. management outside of the government. That ry forward their behests.

the President may force an issue on his party But of course the real power, or much of it, is well illustrated by the tariff message of Mr. lay in the hands of the government of the Cleveland (Dec., 1887), and by the subsequent party. That government almost from the be effort of his party to carry out his plans for gin strove to rule not to obey. Its object | tariff reduction. But the President is not alwas success. Its leaders may often have had ways successful even if he be bold enough to principles; but their duty was not to carry frame an issue. Party leaders shun new doemore principles than enough to insure victory. trines; they generally look upon the President This, therefore, became the great problem of or a candidate for the presidency as a convendemocracy—to control these new institutions; ience or as a medium of success in the attainthese institutions which the written constitu- ment of office, and not at all as a master with tions did not know; these institutions which authority. were the natural product of the growing de- In the states of the Union this dualisin, mocracy and which inevitably tended to be un this separate existence of party and constitudemocratic, to be dominant, not obedient. If tional government, is often very clear. The the history of a popular state is the history of state boss who leads the party councils, who its effort to become and to remain in reality a is, one might almost say, the government, who popular state, then the history of the rise of is back of legislative enactment and executive parties, their growth in authority, the develop- activity, whose real approval is necessary to ment of their governments, and the efforts to make any candidate for office “regular," is bring these governments under control is the some times not a member of the state govercentral theme of the narrative. The downfall ment at all. Under such circumstances, real of King Caucus in 1824 (see Caucus; CONVEN- independence on the part of the governor TION, POLITICAL) and the establishment of the means conflict and discord. Even where there convention system were the result of an effort is no single state boss, the party “organizato throw off superimposed government. The tion” is in general independent of the exertrecent establislıment of the direct primary tive of the state. In recent days we have seen (see) is for the same purpose. The need of a long and strenuous controversies between the democracy, that would fain be a democracy, is officer whom the people have elected and the to constitutionalize party organization, to party leader who is self-appointed. Out of make its management subject to the wishes of these controversies may conceivably arise a new the party members as a whole.

unity in which the elected officials will be Legalizing Parties.--Of recent tendencies in charged with the responsibilities of party manthe history of parties in America none is more agement and policy. But such a result is now significant than the legalization of parties, the only a matter of speculation. The fact is that actual statutory recognition of party offices there is now a complexity, which makes it and machinery. Parties in the states have hard for the average voter to understand the their own written constitutions; but statutes facts and very difficult for the people to fix have been passed recognizing the party offi- responsibility. Difficult as the tasks of demarcers and “organization.” On the one hand 'racy must be, they are rendered more difficult

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