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ench house each party recognizes its officials and is liable to promote party division and leader of debate. The prime minister holds this aggravate faction. position for the Government and the aspirant House of Representatives. In the House of for that office leads the Opposition. Their Representatives the Speaker is the head of words have peculiar weight as expressing the his party and the defeated candidate for the policy of the party. These positions of influ. speakership leads the minority on the floor. ence are won by successful statemanship which A leader of debate upon the floor is also sethe party is bound to recognize. Continuous lected by the majority. The Speaker is excompetition within the party keeps every pected to use his office to promote party legisstatesman struggling to maintain his influence lation. His power has risen and fallen from and to increase it by formulating acceptable time to time, but at its zenith he practically policies and securing support for them from dictated all party legislation and the conduct the voters. The English Cabinet and the of business. Either alone or with the assist"shadow cabinet” are not outside of the party ance of a committee, he appointed all the comorganization of the legislative body as are mittees of the house (see) in whose hands the the President and his Cabinet in America; real business of legislation rests. As a member they are the organization. The leaders are cu officio of the committee on rules he helps assisted in the control of their parties by to determine what business shall come before party whips (see) who do not take part in the house, who shall be recognized in debate, debate, but whose services are invaluable, since and how business shall proceed. His power is they must keep party members informed of so strongly supported by the rest of the organimportant divisions and compel their attendization in Congress that little opportunity reance when necessary. The whip also keeps the mains to the independent element of the party leaders informed as to any change of senti- for resistance. Arbitrary as it may seem, some ment among party members and tries to hold such centralization of power appears essential wavering supporters in line. Whenever a in so large a political body as is the house. strictly party division is taken the whips act The committee (see) system of conducting acas tellers.

tual business has developed with the American As Mr. Lowell has shown in his careful legislature. The chairman of each committee study of party voting, the tendency in Parlia- and a majority of its members are of the domment is toward more strict division on party inant party and thus the party makes itself lines while the sense of party pressure seems in a way responsible for the acts of the comnot to increase. The reason is found in the mittee, while the minority is also given a necessity of party voting under the present chance to express its views. Most legislation parliamentary system, since the tendency of is non-partisan and does not lead to party didemocracy is to fix its eye only on the broad vision either in committee or on the floor of general issues that every voter can appreciate the house; but when a bill deals with a ques

United States. The separation of executivetion of party difference, such as the tariff, from legislative offices in the United States the committee may divide on strict party lines, produces a radical difference in the relation and bring in a majority and a minority report. ship between the party and the legislative bod. Such a report may be followed by a party deies. Fully one half of party interest centers bate and a party vote in the house, but the in the President or the governor while the actual proportion of party votes in Congress other half is divided between the two branches is much smaller than that in the House of of the legislature. The President is more like Commons, and it is likely to be very small ly to be recognized as the leader of his party except when some subject of strong party conthan is anyone else. The tendency is for him troversy is considered, then votes on all ques. to exercise more and more control over legislations tend to become partisan. Most legislation through his right to recommend legislation is accepted simply on the recommendation tion (Const. Art. II, Sec. iii). He may turn of the committee, many members of the house the whole force of the party strength to the being ignorant of the exact nature of bills support of his legislative policy by using the offered. The leader of debate for each party patron age to influence members of Congress, must keep himself informed upon the course and he may formulate bills upon subjects of of business and advise his supporters how to great popular interest and appeal to public vote on the various measures. If factions exist opinion for approval of his measures. Al within the party each will have a recognized though such action is criticised as an encroach- head. Of late years a tendency has developed ment on the independent powers of the legis- toward the use of party whips after the Eng. lature, it is defended as the best practical ish type. In some way the ordinary member means of securing united party action for the must learn how to vote. He looks to his "bellfulfillment of party pledges. The legislative wether” for guidance whenever an unfamiliar caucus (see), either for one house or both bill comes up and with docility follows the together, furnishes a means of reaching a party leader when the waves and nays” are called. decision, but it is not always satisfactory since Senate.-The Senate is organized into comit is too elaborate to be frequently resorted to'mittees in much the same way as is the House,


(1912), chs. ii, vii.


and actual business is conducted in committee | L. Jones, Readings on Parties and Elections rooms. Since the president of the Senate is not a partisan officer the guidance of business is placed in the hands of a steering committee who arrange the course of legislation and determine when bills shall be considered. Although the distribution of patronage influences party action in the House to some extent, it is in the Senate that the patronage together with senatorial power over appointments most largely affects legislation (see COURTESY OF THE SENATE).

State Legislatures. In general organization the state legislatures resemble one or other of the houses of Congress, with many variations. Either the speaker or a party committee organizes the house and attempts to control legislation. If party voting is less common in American than in English national assemblies, it is still more rare in state legislatures, because state issues are overshadowed by national issues and beyond the election of a Senator or the forcing of a congressional gerrymander few strictly party votes are taken. New York state is unique in its large number of party votes in the legislature, owing to the even balance of parties, the city vs. the country sentiment, and the really important businesses carried on by the state.

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN MASSACHUSETTS. Characteristics. The element of personality may well be considered as the leading factor in the political history of Massachusetts. A series of great men, dominated by and drawing their power from great ideas, has embod ied the life of the state. This element of in dividual, personal leadership which has existed in all lines of activity, in literature, in the ology and in ethics as well as in polities, appears in both local affairs and state policy. The Puritan idea glorifies the individual and lays responsibility upon him. The forms of local government developed in New England have fostered this tendency. The town meeting. with its free discussion of men and measures, is composed of a group of men who are quite as much interested in the personal qualifications of the candidates coming before them as they are in the parties that appeal for support. Men trained in the town meeting system of local government tend to carry over to their consideration of state and national politics an attitude of mind which minimizes the party as an organization and exalts the men who represent it. Party organization in Massachusetts is, therefore, in striking contrast to that in states where the more impersonal county system has centralized public attention on measures and organizations rather than on


In a number of states, the legislature shows a tendency to split horizontally rather than vertically, separating in each party the manipulators of the machine from the inexperienced and uncorrupted new members. When such a condition exists the "bi-partisan" control in Everywhere a tendency has appeared to subthe hands of one boss replaces the corporation | ject legitimate party organization to the domlobby. Attempts at purification of such legis-ination of a machine which operates rather in latures fare ill unless a strong counter organization can be effected, or a reform governor backed by a strong public opinion can be elected to coerce the legislature.

the interest of a boss or a ring than in that of the people. Such a tendency has shown itself in Boston and elsewhere in Massachu setts, as in other places, but it has been reSee CAUCUS, LEGISLATIVE, FOR LEGISLATION; peatedly checked by the real, personal interest CONGRESSIONAL GOVERNMENT; INSURGENTS IN which the mass of citizens in the state continue CONGRESS; LOBBY; MACHINE, POLITICAL; OP- to take in politics. A machine thrives on popPOSITION; PARTY GOVERNMENT, COMPARATIVE; ular indifference; when all candidates are subPARTY GOVERNMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN; WHIP,jected to personal scrutiny and are held perPARTY.

References: P. S. Reinsch, Am. Legislatures and Legislative Methods (1907); A. L. Lowell, "Influence of Party Upon Legislation" in Am. Hist. Assoc., Report, 1901, I, 319-542, Government of England (1908), I, ch. xxv; J. Macy, English Constitution (1896), 27, 28; J. A. Woodburn, Am. Republic (1903), 270-315; J. A. Smith, Spirit of Am. Government | (1907), 192-202; F. Hichborn, Story of Calif. Legislature of 1909 (1909), chs. i-iv, xxviii; J. Bryce, Am. Commonwealth (4th ed., 1910), 1, 157-208, 545-561; M. Ostorgorski, Democracy and Party System (1910), 369–375, 386; W. Wilson, Congr. Government (12th ed., 1896), chs. ii-iv; R. M. La Follette, “Autobiography" in Am. Magazine, LXXII (1911-1912), 661-674, et seq.; C. A. Beard, Readings in Am. Government and Politics (1911), 247-253; C.

sonally responsible for fulfilling the public will, it can never gain an absolute control. The citizens of Massachusetts have a machine, but they recognize it and are determined to weaken its power for harm. This determination has led to a series of laws intended to regulate party action and to minimize the opportunities for corruption in politics. Consequently Massachusetts gives a large amount of statutory recognition to party organization. Legal recognition has been adopted because it appeared to be the best means of stripping the machine of power, not because it would strengthen legitimate party organization. "The two leading parties" are made practically identical in form.

Legal Regulations. Since Massachusetts is a state in which annual elections are held, the important party committees are also cho


sen annually. The state central committee | islation, beginning with the Joint Caucus or must have one member elected from each of Primary Election Act of 1903. This act, manthe forty state senatorial districts. These datory for Boston and optional in other cities members are chosen at the senatorial district and towns, requires that all parties hold their conventions, except in Suffolk county where caucuses or primary elections at the same time the city of Boston is situated. Here the mem- and place and under the same regular election ber of the state central committee is chosen officers. The ballots used are furnished by the at the party caucus or primary election at city or town. The party connection of each which the candidate for state senator is elect- voter is checked on the polling list; participaed. In the Democratic party fifteen members tion in a party caucus is taken as prima facie are added to the state central committee by the evidence of party membership, which thus belast preceding state convention. Definite laws comes a matter of public record. To change are laid down for the time and manner of his party ties a voter must notify the keeper organizing the state central committee. In of the record at least ninety days before the the same manner state law requires that "each date of the caucus in which he wishes to parpolitical party shall in every ward and town ticipate. This insistence upon the party memannually elect a committee, to be called a ward bership might operate against good local gove or town committee, to consist of not less than ernment, if the law did not allow the formation three persons." Their terms of office and date of municipal parties on local issues and the of organization are also specified. A city com- supporting of independent candidates without mittee, also required, is composed of the ward loss of the right to share in the regular party committees of the city. Thus "the two lead. caucuses. The desire has been to break down ing parties,” riz., “the political parties which undue machine influence within the party and cast the highest and the next highest number also to prevent corrupt combination between of votes for governor at the preceding elec- the baser elements of both parties. The systion," are required to organize. Any party tem of primary elections provides for nominawhich at the last annual election polled for tion by petition previous to the date of the governor at least three per cent of the entire primary. The act of 1909 again made sweeping vote may organize and receive recognition on changes in the election laws and city governthe official ballots.

ment of Boston. The whole system of city Other Party Machinery.-Other party com- administration is changed. The mayor is electmittees, although not required by law, existed for four years subject to a recall at the in the eight districts from which are elected end of two, and a city council of nine is elected the members of the executive council, in the at large, three members every three years. The forty senatorial districts, the fourteen con- system of ward and precinct and city commitgressional districts, and the counties. They tees is abolished and all primary elections or exercise the merely formal functions of calling caucuses are replaced by “nominating petitions the district and county conventions and have to which at least five thousand names of regno vital connection with state and town or istered voters must be attached." This act also ward committees. No intermediary exists be- is optional in other cities and towns, a number tween the state central committee and the local of which have accepted it (1912). The object committee. This close connection between local of these and other legislative acts is clearly to and state party organization facilitates the strip power from party committees and concarrying over to the larger area of the direct ventions and primaries and to return it to interest in the candidate and his pledges which the people. The machine is constantly have so largely influenced local politics in New thwarted by legislative restrictions. England.

Massachusetts and Pennsylvania.-MassaParty conventions fill a place of much im- chusetts thus, in striking contrast to Pennsylportance in the political machinery of the vania, presents the picture of a "safe" Republistate. All candidates for state office and most can state in which the party organization of candidates for district office and county offices both Republicans and Democrats is practically are nominated by them. These conventions the same-regulated by state law. Here as are mostly a law unto themselves, but one or in Pennsylvania one party has maintained altwo matters are regulated by statute. Four most continuous supremacy since the Civil days must intervene between the caucus for War, but the party of opposition has never choosing delegates and the meeting of the con- been so completely subservient nor so easily vention; this latter must occur at least forty ignored as in the Keystone state. Massachueight hours before the date for filing nomina- setts Democrats keep up an efficient organizations with the secretary of state. One fourth tion and are occasionally able to capture the of the delegates at a district convention are city of Boston or even the governorship. Since given the right to demand a roll call for the Massachusetts is usually Republican the highnomination of a candidate, and detailed in- est political office to which any of its citi. structions are given for procedure in the case. zens can seriously aspire is that of United

Primary Laws.—Local party organization is States Senator. In the Senate, as elsewhere, considerably influenced by recent primary leg. the typical personal element appears. Senators


That such unanimity should play into t hands of political schemers was almost i evitable. Business men who had learned tis value of the corporation system of organizat. with one man in virtual control naturally a plied their business methods to party organi zation. Thus the boss gained power in state and city and once in control he perpetuat his position and made himself indispensable to the citizens who would not devote time and at tention to political affairs. The cities of Ph

from the Bay State are personal leaders, de- | classes in the commonwealth pointed in ± pending for their position and continued in- same direction. fluence on their individual response to the will of the voters of the state, and their ability to mould and guide public opinion. They have never had machines back of them strong enough to secure them their positions in the face of real unpopularity at home. To judge from local political literature one might believe that the Massachusetts senatorial machine was far worse than that of Pennsylvania. Denunciation is vociferous and acrid, but the outcry itself reveals a more independent voting constituency than that in the latter state. | adelphia and Pittsburg were naturally the first Massachusetts independents not only know fields for political manipulations. A compar their power but they dare to use it. Nothing organization could be developed, using the shows the fundamental contrast between these spoils of office as rewards for party service. two states better than a glance at their sena- Once a city was organized, the machine inev.torial leadership. Pennsylvania has always tably began to assert itself, corrupting office had but one Senator who is the machine. Mas-holders, levying demands upon candidates an! sachusetts has always had two Senators of in- corporations, and finally shifting the who't dividual influence and of coördinate power ow-business of politics from the hands of a people ing their position as leaders to their political ability as men, not to their control of a smoothly running machine.


References: F. W. Dallinger, Nominations for Elective Office (1897), 173-195; G. Bradford, Lessons of Popular Government (1899); J. Bryce, Am. Commonwealth (4th ed., 1910), II, 93, 935; E. C. Meyer, Nominating Systems (1902), ch. ii; J. Macy, Party Organization and Machinery (1912), chs. xi, xii.


too busy to manage it into those of its own workers, who found personal profit therein. Valuable franchises were sold or given to favored companies. Election returns were falsified in various ways. Corruption spread from the cities to the country where at first the rewards of manipulation seemed less attractive. The system throve because the people were too busy making money and attending to what they considered their own affairs to watch their politicians.

Republican Organization.-The Pennsylvania method of handling the voter has been exceptionally successful. Formal organization is comprehended almost entirely in the state and county conventions and committees. The RePARTY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYL-publican state convention is called by the VANIA. Boss System.-Pennsylvania is preeminently the state of a boss. From the United States Senate to the most insignificant country district a political organization has spread its ramifying branches. This machine has not been perfected without some struggles, nor has it maintained unbroken control in all parts of its territory; but on the whole, since the Civil War, Pennsylvania has been operated under the guidance of one man who holds the position of United States Senator from that commonwealth.

state committee. Inasmuch as representation is based upon the Republican vote cast at the preceding presidential election, allowing to each legislative district one delegate for each two thousand votes and one for each major fraction of that number, political leaders in cities like Philadelphia and Pittsburg, with a heavy Republican vote, have a special influence. This natural power is greatly increased by the practice of fraudulent voting and padding of the returns. The state committee is elected by the delegates from the fifty senatorial districts How the Machine Grew. From 1860 the to the state convention. The permanent chairRepublican party has claimed the support of man of the state convention together with the Pennsylvania through its advocacy of a pro- candidates nominated by it choose the chairtective tariff. A state which was fast develop- man of the state committee. Districts embrac ing mines, railroads and manufacturing, in ing only one county or an area within a counwhich the business corporation began to rule ty are entitled to two members on the commitsupreme, could scarcely fail to advocate a na- tee; other senatorial districts have one member tional policy so clearly favorable to its further for each county. The chairman is also emprogress. Republican control was strength-powered to name twelve members-at-large, who ened also by the weakness of the opposing or- shall have equal voice in party affairs with ganization, for even the Democrats of the state those chosen by the senatorial districts; hence favored protection, and repudiated, at a critical the committee is clearly under the influence time, the national party policy of free trade. of the chairman. Obviously a committee of a Thus the whole interest of all parties and hundred and twenty or more members cannot


do much actual work as a whole. It is the work in the state is done by the secretary of small nucleus around the chairman which is the state committee who holds his position for the real directing body.

many successive years. His hands are on all The county, as the dominant factor in local the wires of the machine and his skillful touch government, is the basis of local political or adjusts and regulates its action. Party work ganization. Within the county considerable is distributed and assigned, not only to all variety of form and method of procedure ex- committee members, state, county and local, ists and the state committee does not pretend but to thousands of private members as well. to dictate in county matters. This independ. In the office of the secretary stands a carefully ence of party management in the counties has prepared catalogue of more than 800,000 Reled to such diversity in the forms of county publican or potential Republican voters in the organization as to suggest that the managers state. These names are classified as habitual encourage such variations in minor and unes and reliable supporters of the party ticket, sential details as shall make it easier to con- doubtful or wavering supporters, and those fuse the voter and conceal the real power of accustomed to "fumble in the booth.” The list the machine. All the county committees are also indicates persons who may be relied upon large, sometimes as large as the state commit to do effective party work. Party supporters tee; and, so far as the conduct of ordinary from Democratic families are indicated; and business is concerned, it is the chairman in first voters or those soon to become voters are each case who is the active and efficient party listed. The system of work followed is one of agent.

political education in which infinite care is Democratic Organization. As before stated, expended on the young or the wavering Rethe Democratic party in Pennsylvania has been publican. The experience of years has demon. weakened until it has been degraded to the strated that it pays better to influence and position of an adjunct to the controlling Re- then train the youth and reclaim the wanderer publican organization. The practical work than to attempt to make new converts from ings of the Democratic machine are governed, hardened Democrats. One may, of course, win to a large extent, by the same industrial in- over an opponent for a single election, but he terests as control the Republican machine. In tends to return to the party in which he has form, the Democratic organization, while based been trained. The party worker has learned upon the county system of local government, where to expend his best efforts and skill most is quite different from the Republican organ. economically.. Repeated canvasses of the Its system is apparently more centralized and voters of the state are made during a presirigid than is the other. The counties are dential campaign. This means thorough, orsubject to state control and the form of their ganized division of labor among a vast number political organization is dictated by the state of trusted party workers. When the machine convention. The state is divided into nine divi- is working at its highest efficiency every tenth sions which serve to group the counties and to or even every fifth man becomes a party watchfurnish a basis for choosing committees ofer, whose especial duty it is to study his five various grades. A very elaborate system of or ten voters and learn the exact state of the county, division, state executive and state con- feelings and sympathies of each, as well as the tral committees with overlapping membership probable means of influencing any who seem has been evolved; but, as in the Republican disaffected or in open opposition to the party. party, the real conduct of the campaign is in During "off years” all of the machine parts the hands of the chairman of the state central are still kept in working order and grind out committee.

party loyalty to order. Through this system of organization true Senatorial Leadership.—The political history democracy with power in the hands of the of Pennsylvania for the last fifty years has people is apparently assured; actually, perfect been a history of its Senators. From the days dictation and control from the state committee of the elder Cameron to the present time one result. The chairman of the state committee of the Senators has always ruled the state. He is in real command from top to bottom of the directs his subservient colleague as he does state machine. Even the organization of the other officeholders. All federal patronage for opposing party is but one more wheel in the Pennsylvania, including that of the great port mechanism. One man rules the state. By of Philadelphia, is distributed through his means of the twelve members at large the chair- hands. This one man machine has nearly alman dominates his huge committee and is as- ways been able to claim and receive cordial sured of a harmonious working corps. The and fairly united support from the state. Not party is managed by one man, like the success only corporations and men who seek illicit leg. ful business corporation whose board of direc-islative favors contribute liberally to the state tors merely gives force to his decisions. Be campaign funds, but many rich, conservative fore the public the chairman appears as this business men who are honest in their purposes powerful administrator; but he almost always also give the machine hearty financial aid. makes himself United States Senator and there. The rank and file of the party, likewise, stand fore has other absorbing duties. The actual' firmly for the machine which recognizes and

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