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Origin.-Government by party—the system for the eighteenth century a full House, the under which the party supported by a ma resolution to prohibit pairing was negatired jority in the House of Commons is in control by a majority of forty-two. It can be inferred of the administration, and also of legislation from the structural arrangement of the old dates only from the Revolution of 1688. The chapel of St. Stephen's in which the Commons germ of the party system first manifested it. I held their sessions from the reign of Edward self in the Parliament at Oxford in 1625. At VI to 1835—a rectangular chamber, similar in least as early as 1670 political parties known arrangement to the present chamber at Westas Whigs and Tories were in existence. These minister—that soon after government by party political divisions became more marked at was established, members of the Cabinet and the Revolution. With the development of Cabi. ministry and members supporting them sat as net administration in the reign of William III, they do now to the right of the Speaker's chair, party lines became permanent; and there is with members of the Opposition (see) seated 10 testimony by Burnet that by 1708 the system the speaker's left. The fact that seats to the of government by party had extended into mu- right of the speaker were from early times set nicipal life. There were, in the reign of Queen apart for members of the Privy Council—for Amne, no questions of municipal administration what are nowadays members of the Cabinet-no matters touching the everyday economy warrants this inference; but there is no proof of towns and cities-to which the principles of of an earlier date than 1740 that government either Whigs or Tories were applicable. In by party had introduced the now long-estabmany of the boroughs, however, members of lished grouping of parties within the House the House of Commons were elected not by the of Commons. inhabitants at large but by the municipal coun- Whips.- Party whips (see) are a little older cils, and in many other boroughs the control than government by Cabinet. They were issued of mayoralty or the power of making freemen during the convention Parliament of 1688. carried the control of parliamentary elections. With the establishment of the Cabinet, whips Men of the territorial class-men who seldom issued to supporters of the Government became lived in the towns or cities-were at this period known as treasury notes, from the fact that active in municipal politics with a view to the they were sent out by the patronage secretary parliamentary elections; and Burnet's testi- of the treasury-an office known in more modmony that, in 1708, Whig and Tory mayors were ern times as parliamentary secretary to the elected, and that “in every corner of the na- treasury. tion the two parties stand as it were listed Control by Party Majority in Commonsagainst each other,” is proof of how quickly For over two centuries government by party and generally the system of government by in England has been accepted as inevitable, and party, established at the Revolution, was ac- the constitution and the representative system cepted by the country at large.

has been moulded to it. The loss of a maNo Legal Recognition. There has never been jority in the House of Commons or defeat in a a law recognizing the party system. Whigs general election makes an end to an admin. and Tories, Liberals, Conservatives, Radicals istration, and it is taken as a matter of course and Socialists, are unknown to the constitution that the new administration shall be formed and to the Journals of Parliament. Admin from the party that obtains majority. All the istrations had been made and unmade by the members of the administration go out of ofparty system, and speakers of the House of fice with its defeat; and the usual procedure is ('ommons had been elected on party lines long for the king to call upon the leader of the sucbefore there was a single entry in the Journals cessful party to accept the office of premier which directly or indirectly indicated the ex- (see PRIME MINISTER) and to form a new adistence of opposing parties in Parliament. ministration. If an administration comes into There is only one entry in the eighteenth cen. power after a general election, there is a retury that suggests party lines or party or organization of the House of Commons; but the ganization. It occurs in 1743 when there was only important offices to which the holders an unsuccessful attempt to prohibit members must be elected by the House are the speakerfrom pairing. To have prohibited pairing ship and the deputy-speakership and chairmanwould have made an inroad on the power of ship of committees. Since 1835 the speakership the whips, or as these party officials were has been a non-partisan oflice-an office whosi known in the eighteenth century “the whippers. occupant must take no share in party politics in.” It would have impaired the organization either in or out of the House of Commons; and of parties in the House. Especially would it since that time also, unless a speaker desires to have weakened the organization of the party retire from the chair, it has been the rule that that was in power; and by a vote of what was l he shall be reëlected on the assembling of a


new Parliament irrespective of any change in the standing of parties in the House. If a new speaker is to be elected, he is chosen from the party in the majority and the choice of a speaker is determined by the administration. The chairmanship of committees is not a continuing office like that of the speaker. Its holder is the nominee of the Cabinet, and is not bound by the usage that decrees that the speaker shall be strictly non-partisan. On committees the majority in the House is represented by a majority.

as a separate group, and first took up their permanent position on the opposition benches. The Labor party in its present day form had its beginnings in the Parliament of 1900-1905. Until 1874 there were only two partiesLiberal and Conservative; and when the Liberals were in power they were so maintained without any aid from outside their own ranks. Four times since the extension of the franchise in 1885, the Liberals have been able to obtain and hold office only by the support of groups with independent organizations. They were in power in the Parliaments of 1885-86 and 189295 by the aid of the Nationalists. They had a majority independent of both Nationalists and the Labor party in the Parliament of 1906-10. After the two general elections of 1910-the elections in which the budget of 1909 and the veto of the House of Lords were the issues—、 they were in power only by the support of the Nationalists and the Labor party.


Civil Service. The civil service has been controlled by a board since 1855. Appointment by examination and promotion by seniority have long been its characteristics. There are, however, quite a number of what in the United States woud be described as non-classified offices. In appointments to these political influence is a factor. Many of them go to Liberals when a Liberal Government is in office, and to Conservatives when a Conservative Government is in power. Judges are also drawn from lawyers who are supporters of the Government in or out of Parliament. The dignity of king's counsel is as a rule similarly be- References: A. L. Lowell, Government of stowed on barristers; and except in the case England (1900), II, 1-128; E. Porritt, Unreof military and naval commanders, distin-formed House of Commons (1903), I, 445–488, guished civilians, and men distinguished in EDWARD PORRITT. science, literature or art, knighthoods, baronetcies and peerages go only to men who are supporters of the Government in power. Offices and honors for party services are bestowed usually at the instance of the parliamentary secretary to the treasury-the erstwhile patronage secretary-who is the chief Government whip, and who with the aid of the junior lords of the treasury is responsible for keeping a House when Government business is the order of the day, and also for bringing members in for divisions.

Government of the Party.-Party organization in the constituencies is not nearly as widespread, as inclusive or as perfect as it is in the United States. It scarcely existed in England until the second extension of the franchise in 1867, and there is, as yet, no organization of the Conservative or Liberal party that corresponds to the national committee of the Republican or the Democratic party. Each party has a central committee in London which is in touch with the local organizations in the constituencies, and it is through the central committees in London that the chief whips of both parties assist the constituencies in the selection of Parliamentary candidates when local candidates are not available.


PARTY LABELS. The official emblem of a political party placed at the head of the party column on the Australian ballot to facilitate the voting of the straight party ticket by the illiterate voter. In some states the use of the party emblem on the ballot is forbidden by law. See BALLOT; PARTY CIRCLE. O. C. H.

PARTY LEADERSHIP. England and America. The state as an institution furnishes a means of harmonizing conflicting individual and class interests. It may accomplish this end through various instruments, but the state ruled by political parties acts through party organization and party conflict. Two parties, normally nearly equal in numbers and coextensive with the state, strive for control of the government. Their hope is to compose differences among their own numbers and to act as a unit against their opponents. Their chief aim is so to formulate and present political issues as to carry the election. The party leader is occupied with both of these functions, harmonizing the party and fighting its battles. In England, under the Cabinet (see) system party leadership in both lines of activity is identical with practical statesmanship. Usually the most capable statesman in the party wins the highest place by actually leading. He excels all others in harmonizing his party and in projecting government policies. The prime minister (see) and his associates lead their party by actually governing, and they hold their position only so long as they continue to lead in fact as well as in name.

Four political parties are now recognized as entitled to a whips' room in the precincts of the House of Commons-Liberal, Conservative, Irish Nationalist, and Labor parties. This recognition is in itself an admission that the group system has been established. The group system had its beginnings in the Parliament of 1784-1880 when the Nationalists organized'


The American party system presents a dif- | from Massachusetts, New York and Pennsy ferent problem. The party is itself a vast vania have habitually exerted nation-wide in organization coextensive with the state but fluence over their party. But recent tendencies separate from the government. Party leader-point in the direction of more conspicuous and ship cannot be identified with statemanship, constant presidential leadership. for their relationship is of necessity accidental. A leader may render conspicuous service as a guide to public opinion but fail as a practical statesman; he may be eminent as a statesman and fail utterly as a popular leader. Both the party and the government involve an infinite | detail of separate, disconnected functions so related that leadership is obscured; the case is exceptional where both evince unquestioned, clearly defined, personal leadership.

as to

Nevertheless, so long as the executive an! legislative departments are separated, and su long as official party utterance is lodged in a convention, statesmanship and leadership can with difficulty be identified. A leader may arise who, as governor of a state or as Presi dent of the United States, may so present his policies of government to his party secure their adoption. Such a leader inevitably comes into sharp conflict with another type of Leadership and Statesmanship. The presi- party leader who is accustomed to control the dency is more closely related to party leader-government by manipulation of the party maship than any other office, since the election of chine. In the system at its best, entirely apart a President has furnished the occasion for from corruption of any sort, the party tends creating and maintaining the vast machinery to detract from personal statesmanlike leaderof the two parties. Presidents, however, have ship. The question always arises, how far not usually been first nominated because of the statesman ought to rely upon the party their previous prominence either as party lead- machine. If he goes far enough and comes to ers or as statesmen. After nomination and rely upon the prevailing methods of secret during the brief campaign, the presidential manipulation of caucuses he may, indeed, idencandidate is the official leader of his party. If tify party and government, but in the process elected, he becomes its official representative he may cease to be a statesman. Where statesduring his term of office. Whether in any per-manship is thrown aside the boss governs by sonal sense he leads it depends upon his char- means of the party machine. Probably Presiacter and his relations to other leading per- dent Roosevelt came as near to controlling the sons and forces in the party and in the nation. party machine and leading the party as any The two houses of Congress furnish the only President has done. official competitors with the President for party Leadership of a high type is even more difleadership. Members of Congress may be ad- ficult of attainment in the party of the minorjunct leaders or they may oppose the Presidentity in a country where the executive office is as representatives of a strong faction within the party. For a brief time during Andrew Johnson's administration Congress did actually lead and it became the official means of developing party policy, enforcing its will against the President even in administrative matters. The New Leadership.-The modern idea that Thaddeus Stephens (see) as chairman for the leadership may be identified with real statesHouse on the famous Joint Committee on Re-manship has been suggested in a number of construction wielded this power. At times, also, states. La Follette in Wisconsin, Cummins in the Speaker of the House of Representatives Iowa, Hughes in New York and Wilson in New has been as conspicuous as a personal party | Jersey, to mention only a few, have so successleader as the President. Speaker Reed proba- fully combined the two conflicting demands bly wielded more influence over his party than upon a party leader as to foreshadow an ultidid President Harrison, and Speaker Cannon mate complete fusion of the leader and the later became for a time the virtual head of statesman. In each of these instances the the organization. By gaining control of the change has been accompanied by a weakening House, the Speaker has acquired a veto power of party government and an effort on the part greater than that of the President and has of the governor to establish the direct primary. dictated policies in the name of the party. Should a similar development follow in the Under the new rules, however, much of the presidential leadership it would be only personal power of the Speaker over legislation through a relaxed grip of the typical machine. has been removed, and it is only at exceptional See Boss; CANDIDATE; MACHINE; NOMINA times that his influence has become dominant TION OF PRESIDENT; ORGANIZATION; PARTY under any system. The Senate, also, through | GOVERNMENt, ComparativE; PARTY ORGANIZAits control over appointment, and especially TION IN MASSACHUSETTS; PARTY ORGANIZA through the influence of individual Senators TION IN PENNSYLVANIA; PARTY, PLACE AND over the state party organizations, has, at SIGNIFICANCE OF. times, been conspicuous in party leadership. A group of four or five men controlled the Senate in Grant's administration, and the Senators

exalted so far above the legislative. A leader out of office can exert his influence only by way of destructive effort and criticism. Even if he goes to Congress he has no real opportunity to show his ability.

References: J. A. Woodburn, Pol. Parties and Party Problems (1903), ch xvi, 232; J. Macy, Party Organization and Machinery


(1912), chs. iii, iv; C. A. Beard, Am. Govern- No peculiarities in the form of local organiment and Politics (1910), 205–207; J. Bryce, zation appeared. County home rule in many

Am. Commonwealth (4th ed., 1910), I, ch. viii; matters, and county committees emphasized the - M. Ostrogorski, Democracy and Party System larger local unit. At the head of the usual

(1910), 387-391; A. L. Lowell, Government of hierarchy of district committees stood the England (1908), I, 456, II, 86-100; H. J. state boss. The really remarkable fact about Ford, Rise and Growth of Am. Politics (1898), the machine was that the boss was not a Senach. xxii.

JESSE MACY. tor, not even an officeholder. The Senators of

California did not lead their party. Real parPARTY ORGANIZATION IN CALIFORNIA. ty leadership was the perquisite of the railroad Development of Railroad Control.—California and centered in the person of the chief legal is notorious as a state that was dominated by a adviser of the Southern Pacific. When the marailroad. The entire organization of business chine was running perfectly, he selected Senaand politics within the state was vitally influ- tors, Congressmen, governors and judges and enced where it was not actually controlled by the three railroad commissioners. the great Southern Pacific corporation. In a Revolt.—But it is not to be supposed that thousand ways state and municipal officers, so perfect a machine as that of California especially in San Francisco, the financial capi. could be developed without the knowledge and tal of the coast, came under its power. opposition of many citizens. The first revolt

The supreme position of the railroad and its against growing railroad power was headed by allied corporations is the outgrowth of Cali- Dennis Kearney, a labor agitator in San Franfornia's peculiar history. In the early isola- cisco (see CALIFORNIA). His Sand Lot meettion of the state the Central Pacific Railroad ings and other demonstrations gathered many furnished the one connecting link between the working men to his support. In the state at rude mining camps and civilization beyond the large the Granger (see) movement had spread mountains and the desert. The men who owned among the farmers. These two elements united the railroad and consequently held the strategic in the effort which in 1879 secured a new state point in all business operations also organized constitution. One aim of the constitutional the Republican party and operated the state convention was to remove the railroad from government. Leland Stanford became gover- politics. This object, however, could scarcely nor of California the year after he had helped be secured by constitutional enactment, and to organize the Central Pacific Railroad. Two the railroad legislature which followed the conyears later another member of the company vention contrived to minimize the effect of the withdrew from the corporation in order to be prejudicial articles. appointed to the supreme court of the state, The makers of the new constitution expected and after his retirement from the bench he much from the services of a railroad commisbecame counsel for the Central Pacific. Thus sion of three members to be elected by districts, from the outset railroad interests and state The railroad, however, has seldom been seriouspolitics were closely intertwined.

ly menaced by any action of the commission. California and Pennsylvania.--As inevitably Even the men elected on antirailroad pledges as in Pennsylvania, where business men became have not always remained true to the people. politicians, corporation methods were carried | The courts, too, have at times given color to over to political organization. A machine of charges of prejudice which have been freely the efficient one-man type developed, using brought against them. The new constitution, committees rather than conventions as the real intended to protect the people from the railgoverning bodies of the party. One striking road, has been interpreted to nullify later leg. difference, however, does exist between Pennsylislation against the road and in favor of the vania and California. In the former state the interest of the people. Union labor, strong in Republican machine based on corporate forms all the cities, has, in San Francisco, maintained has become so strong that other corporations a city party of importance, but even this party as well as the public at large are subject to has been more than once sold out to the road. its control and dictation. In the latter, the Recent Conditions. The inevitable result of political machine became subordinated to the machine rule was to reduce real party life to the interests of the leading corporation. Con the lowest terms and to destroy the entire party sequently a much more close and vital relation system. When the organizations of all parties ship between railroad business and all other have become merely the political machine of interests and politics was here to be observed. one corporation, no weapon is left to the voter. The political department of the Southern Pacif- Sporadic efforts at establishing new parties ic Railroad (successor to the Central Pacific) fail because of the overwhelming power of the dictated to the Republican state machine and perfected machine. The latest revolt, the one also, as in other machine-dominated states, which promises most to the individual freedom ruled their opponents. In the cities, notably of the voter, originated in a gradual growth of in San Francisco, other interests appeared to be public opinion within the party and a deinfluential, but a study of their management termination to capture for purer polities the almost always revealed railroad control. very machine which has prevented independent


growth. This revolt acquired a statewide or- | tieket, are all expected to encourage intelganization in the Lincoln-Roosevelt Republican ligent and independent voting. The long League. The league like the "regular" organi- tyranny did at length seem to arouse an zation had its state committee made up of mem- equally determined resistance to unjust polibers from the eight congressional districts, its tical domination. A sincere political reform local clubs and committees and other organiza- promises well for the future of California. tions. Its representatives controlled the state See Boss; COMMITTEES, PARTY; MACHINE; legislature in 1911 and 1913 and passed many ORGANIZATION; PARTY FINANCE; PARTIES, reform laws. Unquestionably the sweeping STATE AND LOCAL. state-wide primary law, especially since its References: J. Bryce, Am. Commonwealt!, amendment, has helped to emancipate the voter. (4th ed., 1910), II, ch. xe; E. C. Meyer, Jomi The elimination of the party column from the nating Systems (1902), 193–204; F. Hichborn, ballot, the direct election of United States Story of the California Legislature of 1999 Senators, and the shortening of the state' (1909).



Different Types.- Party government is often The leaders of the party out of power and called government by discussion. In a state their supporters also sit in Parliament and thus ruled the legislature becomes the arena devote themselves to criticising the Governwhere party disputes are fought out and poli- ment and discrediting its policy. They stand cies of state determined. The different types ready at the first sign of weakening to push of free government, however, furnish striking their cause, and when the Government is formed contrasts as to the rules and conduct of these to resign they will form a new Cabinet equally struggles.

well equipped with the necessary knowledge England.-In England, where the most per- and experience of government. “His Majesty's feet example of the cabinet type of government Opposition" (see OPPOSITION) is as essential is found, legislation and administration are to the perfect working of the parliamentary united in the same hands, political control is system as is the Cabinet itself. The very arcentered in the lower house where the battle rangement of the House recognizes the esrages. The House of Commons (see) is the sential dual party nature of this government one effective organization of the party and At the right of the speaker sit the members of of the Government. The Cabinet (see), made Cabinet rank belonging to the House, on the up largely of members from the Commons and Government bench, with the rest of the party responsible to it alone, is both the party com- members behind and on their right. Direetiş mittee and the Government. Through the House across the table, sit the leaders of the Opposiof Commons the prime minister (see) appeals tion, the "shadow cabinet," with their supportin the name of the party to the voting con- ers, ready to assume the weight of government stituency which is the final source of power. whenever the people may call. The House of As the American is consciously voting for a Commons in session is a joint meeting of the two President when he casts his ballot for the presi- great parties in which one party governs under dential electors of his state, so the Englishman the constant criticism of expert opponents. The is choosing a prime minister and a Cabinet king's speech, read at the opening of Parliawhen he votes for the party member in his ment, is really the party platform of the Govern district. The voters bring in a new Cabinet by ment against which the competing policy of the shifting the majority in the House from one opposition is directed as a counter platform. party to the other (see CABINET GOVERNMENT | These platforms are not formal documents, but, in England). In the hands of this Cabinet like many English political forms, are conboth legislative and executive power remains stantly being altered and amended. They are until the next general election or until the not separate from the daily policy and purpuse prime minister resigns. So long as a safe ma- of the party, which must either fulfil its promjority for the Government is returned, the same ises or be discredited before the voters. The prime minister and Cabinet will continue to public follows eagerly the debates on leading govern. Cabinet members are the best states. party issues. Every utterance of a Cabinet men of the party and represent its various member carries the weight of an official party elements. They form a kind of self-appointed declaration (for the Cabinet must be united in party committee which assumes, also, the re- all its outward acts; otherwise party disaster sponsibility of the state. Outside of the Cabi. would at once follow). net are some half dozen other members of the Conduct of Business.-Under the cabinet ministry, men of conspicuous ability who are system all important bills of a public nature in line for promotion but have not yet reached are introduced by the Cabinet, and are supCabinet rank.

ported by a united ministry. On the floor of

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