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never die. Listen to the roll of worthies: Franklin, eighty-one years old, whose fame had filled two continents, his mental vigor unabated; Washington, whose merits need no description; Hamilton and Madison; Dickinson, from Delaware; James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, the most learned man of his time; Robert Morris, the financier, and Gouverneur Morris, the statesman and scholar; Rutledge and the two Pinckneys, from South Carolina; Wythe, the Chancellor of Virginia, with Edmund Randolph and George Mason, of the same State; Carroll and Martin from Maryland. The New England representatives were men of the most uncommon ability. Langdon, from New Hampshire; Caleb Strong, ten times Governor of Massachusetts, a typical Puritan; and Elbridge Gerry, from Massachusetts; and with them the brilliant Rufus King; Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, afterwards Chief Justice of the United States; William Samuel Johnson, soon to become President of Columbia College; and last, but not least, that grand old man, Roger Sherman. The men from New Jersey were the peers of any in that assemblage of peerless men; William Livingston, David Brearly, William Paterson and Jonathan Dayton, by some authorities stated to be the youngest man in the Convention.

Amid such a galaxy of distinguished men there were, of course, many discordant opinions, and it was very soon evident that it would require consummate tact to reconcile all the jarring and conflicting plans which would be presented to the Convention. There was, however, a conservative element among the delegates; and, while they had decided opinions and were generally disposed to abide by the force of their convictions, yet, like all broad-minded men, they could listen to and appreciate the utterances of others. There were some men of narrow intellect in the Convention who could not understand that any other plan than their own ought to be entertained, but they were few in number-perhaps not more than two or three. Hamilton was weighted with Yates and Lansing, who hampered him at every vote and threw the influence of New York against all the efforts of its ablest and wisest representative.

It was very early developed that the delegates were divided into at least three distinct parties: First, those who insisted that they were bound by the strict terms of the call which summoned the Convention -simply to revise and amend the Articles of Confederation-and that they had no power to go beyond the direct terms of that call. Second, those who were opposed to any change whatever in the organic law of

the land as it then existed. And, third, those who were in favor of an entirely new and independent Constitution, which should supersede the Articles of Confederation. The strongest men in the Convention, such as Washington, Franklin, Hamilton and Madison, favored this last plan. The Convention sat with closed doors, and a pledge of secresy, without limit as to time, was imposed upon the delegates, but Madison kept full notes of the debates which, since his death, have been made known to the public in his published works. As he was a systematic man in all his methods, it is generally conceded that implicit confidence may be placed in his report. Occasionally, soon after his works were published, some of his statements were questioned, but all criticism is now disarmed.

The first question which met the Convention was that which related to its powers, and it seemed possible that the delegates might be embarrassed with this question at any and at every stage of its proceedings. As, however, the result of the action of the Convention must necessarily be presented to Congress and be acted upon by several States before any Constitution which might be prepared could be adopted, it was finally resolved to take up the whole subject.

For four long months Washington sat almost silent in his chair, listening to the discussions which sometimes became heated and angry. The Convention was often in danger of falling to pieces in disorder and would inevitably have done so had it not been for his guiding, restraining hand. There were fiery spirits in that Convention, who could not brook contradiction, who would not yield to any antagonism, and they too frequently became excited, lost control of themselves and threatened the dissolution of the Convention. It required all the unflagging watchfulness, the ceaseless good nature and the matchless tact of Washington to prevent this threatened catastrophe. He knew and fully understood that upon the result of the consultation of that body of fifty-five men depended the future of the country he loved so well, and he was determined not to allow the Convention to adjourn without performing the duty for which they were assembled.

Time will not permit a discussion of the various subjects submitted. to the delegates and of the manner in which they disposed of them. After four months of incessant labor, the Constitution under which the Republic has made such magnificent progress, was adopted; and, on the 17th day of September, 1787, George Washington affixed his bold signature to the document which had been engrossed by Gouverneur

Morris, giving vent to his pent up feelings in these remarkable words: "Should the States reject this excellent Constitution, the probability is that opportunity will never be offered to cancel another in peace— the next will be drawn in blood."

The Constitution in most of its important features was a series of compromises, and it did not receive the entire approval of any one. Washington, himself, was not satisfied with all its provisions. The objections to it were many and came from all parts of the country. Washington, after his return to his home, soon became convinced that there was very great danger that it would not be accepted by the States. He soon learned that some of the wisest and best men even in Virginia were opposed to it; Patrick Henry was throwing all his massive strength against it. George Clinton, of New York, who was popular with the people, and Yates and Lansing, who had left the Convention in disgust, before its close, were determined that that State should reject it. Richard Henry Lee and Nathan Dane were violently opposing it in Congress, but, with the Constitution, when it was reported to that body, came a letter from Washington, and Madison went back to Congress after his labors in the Constitutional Convention were ended. A majority of the representatives finally voted in its favor and it was sent with Washington's letter to the Legislatures of the several States to be submitted to the people. There was great agitation on the subject among all classes; the blood of the citizens was at fever heat and the greatest excitement prevailed. It was the day of pamphlets and pamphleteers, and caricaturists were busy. The country was flooded with printed documents and caricatures were scattered broadcast. The best men in the land were lampooned and attempts were made to defame even the venerated name of Washington, by some dishonest penny-a-liners. But nothing daunted, Washington never relaxed a single moment and bent all the energies of his forceful nature in efforts to induce the States to accept the new Constitution. He wrote to Patrick Henry, its greatest and most formidable opponent in Virginia; to Gov. Randolph, and, at first, to a few other personal friends, advocating the acceptance of the new organic law. letters became more and more numerous and the number of his correspondents increased daily. Each letter told and each had its effect. But Henry continued his opposition and the question was long in the balance. At last, success crowned Washington's efforts, and, on the 25th day of June, 1788, that great State ratified the work of the Con

vention. The result was due to the personal influence of Washington. If Virginia had not voted for the measure, it would have been lost.

The Constitution was finally adopted by all the States, New Jersey following, very closely, Delaware and Pennsylvania, being the third State to ratify it, and with Delaware and Georgia giving it an unanimous approval.

The struggles in New York, Virginia, and Massachusetts were the severest. New York was carried by the consummate ability, the fervid eloquence, the overwhelming arguments and the indomitable energy of Alexander Hamilton. The contest in Massachusetts fully exhibited the wonderful influence of one man in that great commonwealth. At first, Samuel Adams opposed the measure-not strongly, he was rather non-committal-but gave in his adhesion after several weeks of profound consideration. His course had been watched by his fellow members in the Convention, with the intensest interest. When he announced his intention to vote for the measure, there was assurance that Massachusetts would swing into line with the other States which had already voted affirmatively.

The great work was at last accomplished and the century of unexampled progress and prosperity which has followed the country since the adoption of the "excellent constitution" has fully proved the greatness of that man whose wisdom first contrived the plan, whose energy followed every step towards its completion, and whose watchful care and unfailing perseverance secured its adoption.

The Commissioners from New Jersey took a prominent part in the Convention, presenting the claims of the smaller States to recognition and equality, with commanding force, in addition to proposing the plan to which reference will be hereafter made.

Two plans were submitted to the Convention; one, called the Virginia plan, presented by Edmund Randolph, of that State, and supported by the larger States; the other, called the New Jersey plan, proposed by William Paterson, one of its representatives, which, with some modifications, was concurred in by the smaller States, among which, strange to say, New York was then included, as well as New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware and Rhode Island. The idea prominent in Governor Paterson's plan, who, undoubtedly, was the leader of the New Jersey delegation, was to preserve the rights of the smaller States, in a manner compatible with the sovereignty of the General Government. It did not provide for a new Constitution, but contemplated amendments to

the Articles of Confederation, in addition to those proposed by the Legislature, in 1783: To give Congress the power to raise a revenue by imposts, stamps and postage; to regulate trade and commerce between the States and with foreign nations; to provide for the adjudication of fines, forfeitures and penalties by the Common Law judiciary, where the crime was committed, subject to an appeal to the Federal Courts; to make requisitions for the payment of money for the expenses of the National government, if necessary, on the several States in proportion to their inhabitants, including three-fifths of those held in servitude, and, in cases of non-compliance, to invest Congress with the authority to compel payment; to elect a Federal Executive, consisting of several persons, whose salaries should be paid out of the public funds, who were to hold office during good behavior and have original jurisdiction of cases of impeachment and appellate jurisdiction in cases of ambassadors, captures, piracy and felonies on the high seas; to have power to impose an oath of fidelity on all Federal officers and legislators and to make treaties, which were to be the supreme law of the land; to summon the military of the States whenever necessary; to enforce the Federal statutes; to provide for admission of new States into the Union; to settle all disputes between the Federal government and the several States, as to territory; to establish uniform naturalization laws. These were the main features of the New Jersey plan, and it will be noticed that, although it did not receive the approval of the Convention, in the form in which it was proposed, as Amendments to the Articles of Confederation, yet, that its most important provisions were incorporated into the Constitution finally adopted.

The question of representation in Congress, one of the most troublesome and, at the same time, of the utmost importance, was referred to a Committee of which Paterson was a member, and the report of this Committee was finally supported with some rather unimportant. changes.

Fortunately for the young Republic, a spirit of harmony and conciliation prevailed among the members, of whom, thirty-eight out of the fifty five, including all the New Jersey delegates signed the Constitution. There were others who would have done so, but they were necessarily absent.

A very small minority of the citizens of New Jersey opposed the new Constitution; there was, in fact, no organized opposition to it within the State. The Legislature exercised the greatest prudence in the

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